BSP: A party with a difference

The Pioneer 6 September 2003

Vivek Kumar

With the appointment of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav as the Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister, a crisis in the State has been temporarily averted. This is because
politics in UP is witnessing number of new power-hungry coalitions. Foes have
turned into friends with apparently no respect to principles. The secularists
are hiding their faces as Samajwadi Party, the champion of secularism in the
State, has formed Government with the clandestine support of the BJP. UP has
always remained the hub of Indian politics. Whether it is political assertion
of the Dalits in the form of the BSP, or the emergence of Hindu nationalist
BJP, or revitalisation of the Congress, or the peasant-dominated
agricultural-capitalist political outfits, all have anchorage in this microcosm
of the Indian nation and have a stake in grabbing power in UP. It is
astonishing to see that outfits with different political ideologies and social
base have joined against the BSP. The process of isolation has given it an
exclusive
identity and status of a strong party which doesn't take things lying down and
decides it own course.

It was the BSP's fourth stint in power. Thrice it has been in power with one or
the other political party (in 1993 with SP; in 1997 and 2002 with the BJP). It
formed Government supported by the BJP from outside in 1995. It is the only
party in India which has successfully used "alliance politics". It cannot be a
coincidence that within a decade of formation a party comes to power four times
through the politics of alliance, and each time ends up growing its support
base.

The BSP has exposed the deficiency of ideologues of different shades,
especially the secularists who predicted a definite cooption of the BSP
whenever it entered in coalition to form a Government with the BJP. But it
never happened; rather, the party was always successful in implementing its
agenda, thereby spreading its support-base, leaving the BJP leaders and its
supporters high and dry.

The party initiated structural changes in the status quo of UP in a very short
time. Social structure is often analysed on the basis of pattern of
inter-related roles and statuses which the actors of a specific order enact and
occupy in terms of their rights and obligations. Given this, we can very well
ascertain what rights and obligations did Dalits and "upper castes" occupy
before the BSP came on the horizon in UP. There is no denying that the
democratic rights enshrined in the Constitution did make an impact; however, it
was very limited as there was no potent force to claim these rights. It is in
this context the BSP made a difference. It ushered in a perceptible change in
the role and status of the Dalits and the upper castes. Today, nobody can take
Dalits for granted in UP; the latter retaliate in whatever manner they can. The
latest episode was in Mau district, where the Dalits raised their arms against
the Thakurs of the area.

The BSP has highlighted the immoral practice of political parties, which have
led to the defection of its MLAs time and again by illegitimate means for
remaining in power. These practices have been so overpowering that all the
institutions on democracy were subverted. The offices of Speaker of the
Assembly and the highest seat of justice were also not spared and the nation
saw how the established rules of law were subverted to suit the BSP's opposite
party.

The party has proved a point by not bowing down to the pressure tactics of the
coalition partner. It is usually alleged that the BSP leadership is so
power-hungry that it follows no principle for sharing it. But the ground
reality suggests otherwise. The party has always followed one principle in
sharing political power: The development of Bahujan politics because its
leadership has this ideology that "political power is the key for development
of the Dalits".

Given this status and achievements of the BSP, it is difficult to rule out the
possibility of the party making a come back in UP. It is true that the BSP will
suffer from political vendetta. In all possibility, Ms Mayawati will be
penalised. And so will be the Dalits, especially in the countryside where they
will be in direct confrontation with the Yadavs and the OBCs. But this will
further polarise the marginalised sections and the Dalits which, in the long
run, will benefit the BSP. Further, the compulsion of coalition politics and
round-the-clock organisational preparations by the BSP are an added advantage
to the party. That is why it is the only party in UP which wants immediate
election. Can any other party match this confidence? If not, then the BSP is
undoubtedly the party with a difference.

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Bhaujan Samaj Party: Power is a means to an end and not end in itself

Dr. Vivek Kumar

Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.



The simultaneous events of Mayawati’s recommendation to Governor for
dissolution of Uttar Pradesh Assembly and withdrawal of support by Bhartiya
Janta Party from her on 25th August 2003, once again threw, Uttar Pradesh the
most populous state of India, into a political crises. But with the appointment
of Mulayam Singh Yadav as the Chief Minister subsequently has temporarily
averted the cries. In the event it is true that UP politics is witnessing
number of new power-hungry coalitions. Foes have turned friends with apparent
principles or without it. The secularists are hiding their faces as Samajwadi
Party ‘the’ champion of secularism in the state forms the government with the
clandestine support of BJP.



Despite these structural and normative uncertainties and loss of 18 per cent of
its area and 5 per cent of its population to Uttaranchal in the year 2000, UP
has remained the hub of the Indian politics. Whether it is political assertion
of the Dalits in the form of Bahujan Samaj Party or emergence of the Hindu
nationalist BJP or revitalization of Congress (I), which once monopolized the
Indian politics (because of its hold on UP) or the Peasant dominated
agricultural- capitalist Political outfits, all of them have anchorage in this
microcosm of Indian nation and want to grab political power in UP by hook or
crook.



The national political parties are trying to score few points over others
proving the dictum true -firing the gun by keeping it on someone else’s
shoulder. The smaller parties are jumping with enthusiasm like a kid who while
quarrelling with another kid gets unexpected support of an adult. It is really
astonishing to see all the political outfits with different political ideology
and social base have joined against BSP. In turn the whole process of isolation
of BSP has given it an exclusive identity and status of a strong party which
cannot take things lining and decides it own course. While half- a -dozen big
and smaller political parties in UP are trying to fish in the troubled waters
BSP, a party led and dominated by the Dalits has scored some important points
in Indian democracy and over other established political parties.



Effective Use of Alliance Politics



At the out set it was fourth stint of BSP in power. Prior to this trice it has
been in power with the some other political party (1993 with SP, 1997 & 2002
with BJP) and once it formed its own government supported by BJP from out side
in 1995. It is a fact that BSP is the only party in India which has so
successfully used the alliance politics. It cannot be a coincidence that within
a decade a party comes to power four times through politics of alliance and
each time its base grow. Therefore one is forced to argue that BSP has been
successfully implementing a well thought strategy for the development of its
party and politics.



It is in this context of its growth from election to election that BSP has
belied the predictions of political commentators and opinion makers. Above all
it has exposed the deficiency of ideologues of different shades specially the
secularists who every time predicted a definite co- option of BSP when ever it
entered in coalition to form a government with BJP. It is difficult to
ascertain the real basis of their prediction. But it never happened rather BSP
was always successful in implementing its agenda and there by spreading its
support base, leaving BJP leaders and supporters high and dry. I think now the
aforesaid intellectuals will not underestimate the skills of state craft of
Dalit leaders specially that of BSP leaders.



BSP has Initiated Structural Change



Another significant gain for BSP is that it has really initiated structural
change in the status quoits UP society and that to in a very small span of
time. Social structure is often analyzed on the basis of pattern of
inter-related roles and statuses which the actors of a specific order enact and
occupy in terms of their rights and obligations. Given this reality of social
structure we can very well ascertain what rights and obligations did Dalits and
so-called upper castes occupied before BSP came on the Dalit liberation horizon
in UP? Obviously the so-called upper castes were socially, economically and
politically dominant and ruled the society in a hegemonic manner. The Dalits
were taken for granted and had to listen to their dictates. Any voice of
descent was brutally crushed. But gradually after 1984 with the formation of
BSP things started changing.



The Dalit assertion with the emergence of BSP deconstructed and reconstructed
many identities and symbols of UP society. This whole process created
self-respect, confidence, and assertion among the erstwhile cumulatively
deprived Dalits. There is no denying the fact that the democratic rights
enshrined in the constitution did have their impact but it was very limited as
there was no potent force to claim these rights. And in this context BSP made
the difference.



Soon a perceptible change ushered in the role and status of the Dalits and the
so-called upper castes. Today no body can take Dalits for granted in UP. They
retaliate in what ever manner they can. The latest episode in Mau district
where the Dalits raised their arms against the Thakurs of the area is a case in
point. Similarly we can quote the examples of Jaunpur where the Dalits could
force the landlords to raise the minimum wages. The case of Gopal Khera in
Mohanlal Ganj in Lucknow district also proves the same aspect of Dalit
assertion as they raised their arms against the so-Called upper caste. Another
as aspect of this structural change is the distribution, regularization and
possession of the government land by the BSP government in the name of the
Dalits and Most backward castes. The manner in which the Dalits have become the
part of the highest echelons of the decision making institutions and shared
power further brought the role reversals in the social structure of UP.



BSP Highlighted the Immoral Practices of Opposition

In the same vein BSP has highlighted, though obliquely, the immoral practices
of different political parties, which have made its MLAs defected time and
again by illegitimate means for remaining in power. It happened in 1995 when SP
did it, it has happened once again in 1997 when BJP and now again it is being
done by SP with the help of BJP in 2003. Further these practices have been so
overpowering that all the institutions on democracy were subverted. The offices
of speaker of the assembly and the highest seat of justice were also not spared
and the nation saw how the established rules of law were subverted to suit the
BSP’s opposite party. The anti-defection law could never be implemented in UP
when ever defection took place in BSP.



Power Is Means to an End and not the End itself



BSP has again proved a point by not bowing down to the pressure tactics of the
coalition partner. It is usually alleged that Bahujan Samaj Party and its
leadership is so hungry for political power that it follows no principle for
sharing the power. But the ground reality suggests otherwise. BSP has always
followed one principle in sharing the political power and that is the
development of Bahujan politics because its leadership has this ideology that
“political power is the key for all round development of the Dalits.” Secondly,
though it is true that if BSP wants to achieve social transformation through
political power but that is not the full truth. The full truth is that though
power is necessary for social transformation and economic emancipation it is
only a means to an end and not end it self. That is why BSP has always taken
swift and immediate decision to partway with the power as and when pressed in
the corner by the coalition partner.



BSP Party with a Difference



Given this status and achievements of BSP it is difficult to rule out the
possibility of BSP making a come back to power in UP. It is true that BSP will
suffer from the political vendetta. In all possibility Ms. Mayawati will be
penalized. And so will be the Dalits especially in the country side where they
will be in direct confrontation with the Yadavs and other OBCs. But this entire
phenomenon will further polarize the marginalized sections and the Dalits in
favor of BSP. Dalits will need shelter as the confrontation with OBCs and Upper
castes grow and there is no other force in UP which can provide them shelter
except BSP and hence they will come to BSP’s , therefore its vote bank will
definitely grow in the next election. Further the compulsion of coalition
politics added advantage to the party. In the press conference on 28th October
she has already left a rider “for defeating BJP she can also join hand with any
political party.” That means she has given a hint that she can
even join Congress. This announcement has dampen the enthusiasm BJP ideologues
about their stands in UP. Because in the parliamentary elections it is certain
that BSP is going to do well and then if Congress wants its support it can lend
the same. This can marginalized SP and Congress may not need and even support
SP in UP. Today BSP is the only party in UP which wants immediate election. Why
is the mmot question? Can any other political party in UP match this confidence
that BSP possesses. If not then BSP is un-doubtly the party with a difference.





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