News Update 12/07/2004


The Power Of Sustenance

By Goldy M. George
Countercurrents.org | 17 November, 2004
http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-george171104.htm



Painful Childhood of Narayanaswamy


A Dalit boy during his teenage witnessed caste oppression. His own
beloved grandfather, father, mother and people of his community were
ill treated, humiliated and beaten up by the so-called "upper caste"
people. This boy grew not with affection and care but amidst
atrocities, discrimination, oppression and humiliation. This childhood
experience and exposure to the Indian social reality of caste
oppression later made him to take very strong stand to vehemently
challenge the oppression of the domination caste Hindus.

With feeling of burden, pains of oppression and tears in his eyes when
one day he was lying down in the dark corner of his dilapidated hut,
he heard someone singing a folk song at a distance. Slowly it grew
louder and louder. He realised that it was a song inviting all those
who are broken and humiliated in the name of caste. Soon he rouse from
his mat, threw off his patched blanket and ran to the street corner
from where the voice was coming. He found a team of youngsters at the
centre of the street playing a skit depicting the affliction of
Dalits.

An hour of performance was over without even knowing how the time went
off. After the presentation, this team initiated a discussion with the
community, who were closely observing the play. Many of them felt that
their condition was nothing less than what was presented there. That
evening was the best gift in his life. The open discussion encouraged
him to have further discussion with the performing ream and to know
about them. Indeed it was a wonderful experience for him to know that
there are people who sing songs of suffering of Dalits and perform
street theatre that animated the poignant history and distressed
present giving it a revolting spirit.

Narayanaswamy, the boy, became a volunteer of this team called
"Sunanda". For the next seven years he remained with this team gained
exposure, knowledge and skills, which motivated him in building up a
process to stand for equality and justice. Through the years of
experience he realised that among Dalits women are the most oppressed
in the present situation, particularly with the advent of
globalisation.

Kolar district of Karnataka, where from he hails, is infamous for
Dalit atrocities, particularly Dalit women. It is the same district
where 8 Dalits were charred to death in the wee hours of 8th March
2000. That was the black day in the history of Karnataka. Besides
these, there are other such incidences of Dalit atrocities in the same
district with various forms and appearances.

With this background it is a big challenge to organise the womenfolk.
But Narayanaswamy and his team bravely took it. This led to the
formation of "Aadima Shakthi – a Dalit Women's Movement. Narayanaswamy
in his early forties says, "the atrocities committed against Dalit
women in Kolar district is very high. Forces that strive to divide the
community into sub castes dominate the district. Recognising the fact
they are goaded to stay divided, Dalit women in the district have come
together as a Dalit women's Movement viz. 'Aadima Shakthi'".

It evolved through the struggles of Dalit women of Kolar, Malur and
Bangarapet Taluk of Kolar district. At present "Aadima Shakthi" is
efficiently addressing the questions of caste oppression,
landlessness, bonded labours, agriculture workers and so on. Aadima
Shakthi means ancient women's power (In Kannada Aadi means ancient, Ma
means Women and Shakthi means power). Initially it was difficult to
crash the internal untouchability, but Aadima Shakthi had succeeded in
achieving these feats.

Transition of Fr. Sebastian


Sebastian Poomattam, born in Kerala who reached Chhattisgarh with the
objective to serve the church as a priest, has a long story to tell.
Ordained as a priest with the Catholic Church, he served various
parishes within the diocese before joining as the Director of the
Diocesan Social Welfare Society. This was the period when he got an
opportunity to travel extensive to every nuke and corner of
Chhattisgarh. He noticed caste as one of the major problems within the
state that leads to poverty and other social dilemmas.

Later he was co-opted to Catholic Health Association of India (CHAI)
as Director of Community Health. During this time he travelled across
the country and interacted with organisations and individuals working
on similar lines of addressing the question of caste and class. He
found a co-relationship between these two socio-political phenomena
and therefore decided to work on these lines in future.

Afterwards he resigned from CHAI and was appointed as parish priest in
a small village of Bilaspur (now in Champa-Janjgir) district. There he
began direct community work with Dalit women. According to him, "our
aim was to work with the oppressed among the oppressed. Dalit women
are triple oppressed and exploited – first by her caste, secondly by
virtue of poor economic status of Dalits and third is because she is
woman. Hence we decided to work with these women"

This process sowed the seeds for the initiation of a Dalit women's
organisation, which was committed to raise issue of caste oppression,
economic exploitation and women's atrocities. Chhattisgarh Mahlia
Jagriti Sanghatan had successfully developed a band of Dalit women
from this region as leaders. Today it is fully run by these Dalit
women. In the later part of this work two more people a medical
mission sister and another a priest from the same church joined him.

In this process he had to confront with the church to the worst
experience. It was similar to the experience of the priests in
liberation movement in Latin American context, the sort of
confrontation they had to experience from the church hierarchy.
However they didn't cease to work with the people.

Due to the tireless effort of Sebastian and his colleagues, the band
of Dalit women had taken up the responsibility of the organisation and
is now the vanguards of a wider struggle for equality and dignity in
Chhattisgarh. This movement had established itself as a major force in
this region in recent time; the evidence to this is the recent
Assembly elections last year in which no person could win without the
support of the local women's organisation.

Soon after the elections, another concocted issue of attacking one SDM
under which sections like 307 IPC have also been included. The local
administration is after this team particularly after the state
Assembly elections when BJP came into power in the state. BJP has been
consistently targeting all democratic and peaceful organisations. Fr.
Josey the colleague of Sebastian is also implicated in this under the
aegis of instigating people. Police is still searching him. Yet they
haven't let their spirit down. The womenfolk also extended their
complete support and solidarity.

Sebastian, popularly known as "Bade Guruji" in this area, in his late
fifties still rides 25-30 kms a day on his bicycle. The amount of
spiritual and moral energy that this man carry with him is enormous,
which he transfers to each and everyone since the day of his
transition. This is the uniqueness of a genuine character essential
for the building up of authentic people's initiative and struggle.

Experiments of Shankar


Born of the border of Orissa and Chhattisgarh Shankar Mahanand belongs
to Ganda community. Right from his childhood he had faced different
natures of discrimination, poverty and hunger. I remember he once
telling me that he along with his parents stood in queue to attain the
food being supplied by government and other agencies due to utter
starvation. But this didn't slay his spirit.

In his youthhood he came across a good number of friends and
well-wishers, who guided him to think about the root cause of
discrimination, poverty and hunger. His search for an answer reached
him to various levels – most importantly as a cultural activist in
Orissa and Chhattisgarh and then as an organiser and motivator to
many.

This paved way for new searches about his own community. A community
with endless stories of repression and prosecution and sufferings and
toiling has also got a much brighter part, which is mostly hidden.
That is the cultural treasure and history. He along with a group of
friends discovered the fact that history of all downtrodden community
originates from a common origin.

A crucial part of this finding was related with a crucial myth
establishing the fact there is a certain amount of co-relation and
co-existence among all the lower castes and outlaws ones. The myth is
that the eldest son of "�di Debatá" Lákhan Bhándi Nág dynasty king
"Dungi Chuhán" had eleven sons. They were Gajpati, Debhog, Sabal Sahe,
Kalbhoj, Manbhoj, Jhánke, Mánke, Degan, Kolbhed, Pitáshree, Ediá.
Kalbhoj Raja had four sons; they are Gang, Gágarba, Jadu and Kadam.
Now-a-days they are known as Gand, Gandá, Gauda and Kandha etc. Before
arrival of "Arya" these four brothers were ruling over the Mahanadi
valley region (presently part of Chattishgarh and Orissa).

During the period of their reign, it is obvious that the culture,
tradition, dress, God, Goddess, festival etc. were similar in their
area where the four brothers were ruling. On the other hand there was
strong social organisation. It was difficult for the Aryans to rule
over this area, demolishing the Chuhán administration and fight social
cohesion. Therefore they applied the divide and rule policy over the
Chuhán brothers. They insisted, motivated and applied fear psychology
in the pure mind of innocent Dalit and told that Lord Brahmá is the
creator of this universe. He has created "Chaturvarna" i.e. Brahman
have born from mouth and Kshytriya from arm, Vaisya from thigh and
Sudra from feet of Brahmá. Applying this kind of God phobia and
hypnotisation over the ancient innocent Dalit brothers, they could
succeed to destroy their unity and divide them politically.

Gand, Gandá, Gouda (Yadav) and Kandha etc. in real sense they are not
caste as in the present day they are counted, rather the "Vansh"
(clan) or origin father or "Dumá". To prove the similarity or
relationship of the above "Vansh" or Duma, if we go back to the pitar
or "Pidar" of each Vansh, it can be visualised that they were brothers
and their origin was same, for the reason their culture, tradition are
exactly similar to each other.

Since the realisation of this myth, he had been industriously working
to build up people in order to create a cultural unity. As a part of
this he in association with some more developed a group of cultural
activists under the banner of "GoGaJaKa Sanskritik Manch". With
Shankar, a powerful actor, a prolific lyricist, a melodious musician,
as the team leader this groups intents for a cultural swing in favour
of the Dalit cause from a historical purview. It is a process of
cultural revival of Dalits and establishing the cultural unity and
integrity. The understanding of Dalit is more a collective and larger
unit than small dispersed ones.

Tireless fighter in Motilala


Parsapali village in Janjgir district of Chhattisgarh is where Motilal
Jhalaria is born. Born in a family of Suryavanshi he had been faced
with social as well as economic discrimination since his childhood.
After intermediate he had thought of stopping his education, but with
the help of some well-wishers, he finished his graduation. But then
the whole problem began.

With the death of his father the whole responsibility of his family
rested on his shoulders, as he was the eldest son. As in every Indian
family the eldest son is expected to take up the onus of nurturing the
family after the death of father, particularly when you are grown up.
That was the case of Motilal. With very little land being barren and
unproductive and even what was available was only a small plot,
Motilal turned out to be a migrant worker along with other labourers
from his countryside. He worked in Delhi, and other places as
construction worker, casual labourer, and directly confronted the
direst form of bonded labourer. He found that many of the workers were
from the surrounding villages. He remained with this status of
semi-bondage for 2-3 years after which he returned back to his village
only to find himself in more debt trap of contractor's middlemen and
his family reeling in complete distress.

But he realised that vested interests always encumbers the path of the
poor and oppressed. Back in village the various situation helped him
to recognise that many of the Suryavanshis are in bondage. He again
went back to Delhi to those areas where many of the Chhattisgarhi
Dalits were living under sub-human condition. He worked for their
upliftment and liberation by introducing new schemes and programs, but
this brought in a new understanding that they are fully in an
unrealised bondage. This is the renewed appearance of the historical
bondage imbibed by feudalist Brahmins. It is also that Zamindari
system still exists in almost every region of India even today, which
is dominated by the caste Hindus.

Once again Motilal returned back to Parsapali, this time with a
determination of fighting against the new forms of caste oppression.
He along with a few other concerned rural friends together constituted
the Dalit Seva Samiti for this purpose. They went in search of all
those who had been from their area working away from their home with
the same status of labourers or workers. The result was stunning.
Nearly it was four fold from their initial assessment. They were not
only in Delhi but also in Mumbai, UP, Hariyana, Punjab, J&K and other
parts of the country.

He started visiting those places only to discover that his fellowmen
were in bondage. He intensively worked for the release of these bonded
labourers. Since then he succeeds in mobilising the district
administration in the identification and release of the bonded
labourers. Once they are back he starts putting up the demands for the
rehabilitation with the district administration.

Along with all these aspects he had been instrumental in organising
and mobilising a large section of Dalit youths in this area in
building alternative cultural units. Gammat one of the prime means of
performance is being utilised as a method to highlight social issues
and problems. A terrific fighter, who keeps inspiring people with his
social and cultural stands, always remains with the people in their
time of distress and disputes.

Determination of Sundaresan


Sundaresan is from Tirunalveli district of Tamilnadu. Since his
childhood onwards he had been confronted with the caste system in his
village. A Dalit from Pallar community, he and his family had faced
severe atrocities and brutalities of the caste Hindus throughout his
life.

However with all these experience he become very strong and he was
determined to work for the liberation of people belonging to his
community. As a beginning to this process he completed his studies at
the school level and then enter college for graduation and then for
post graduation. As he puts up his experience and understanding of
caste system in these lines, "to me caste is the most brutish system
of human relationship on earth. Unless caste is removed from its very
edifice, our people and country won't be liberated in the real sense.
I have personally faced the rough and harsh part of it. Even my
parents faced it and many more of our descendants will face it if we
are reluctant to work towards its eradication from the very surface".

While working for the cause of Dalits, he came across vital facets of
it. One is the internal casteism widespread among the Dalit
communities. Certain Dalit communities were considered to be higher
than other ones and hence enjoyed higher degree of social and
political space within the structure, whereas others remained as
subdued. Another trick and tactics of the Brahmins. This brought into
light the need for unified struggles by ending the existing rift
within these communities. But it couldn't happen in real. His own
Pallar community objected to that and considered the Arundhatiyars as
unsanctified and lower than them since this community were scavengers.

Sundaresan joined the scavengers and began to organising and
mobilising them. Seeking support from external friends often happened
but many of them turned back saying that he should stop working for
the scavengers. But they were the oppressed among the oppressed. They
had no right to land, work, food, clothing, and what not. Whatever
they had with them were all with the mercy of their caste lords, even
Dalit communities like Pallars, Pulayars also acted as their maters in
many cases.

With immense efforts Sundaresan succeeded in organising them into an
organisation viz. "Arundhatiyar Vidudalaya Munnetta Iyyakkam" in one
block of Tirunalveli district, which had now spread to nearly 3
districts. It was not easy to organise them. Arundhatiyars themselves
had a feeling that what is available is the best option left for them.
Many of them were not willing to break this caste jinx, even though
violence and attack on this community was very frequent. It took him
nearly 11 years to organise them only because of his strong
determination. There was time when the caste lords attacked him. Many
false cases were lodged against him in different courts. The police
and district administration looked him upon like a criminal. But this
couldn't differ him from his stand and determination. He continued to
do what he was aiming towards.

In this process they have succeeded in raising the issue of land
rights of the scavenger community. They had succeeded in putting an
end to manual scavenging in many parts of their district. They have
resisted the counter attack through cultural means of the caste Hindus
and other communal forces. Faced with scores of violent attack on
their community for defying the caste laws, they are now determined to
take up it at all levels. As Sundaresan puts it, "we are not afraid of
attacks anymore. Those days are over as we had been resisting it with
counterattacks. We realise that violence of any type is injustice, but
if we don't prepare ourselves to those levels – at least mentally –
there is a severe threat that our resistance would fall apart. Hence
we are compelled to adopt a strategy of blood for blood and life for
life. This had really brought the level of attacks and atrocities
against us to higher level, even beyond our expectations".

Today the district administration is taking up a positive stand. They
are inviting the Arundhatiyars for dialogue in cases of disputes and
clashes. There is a change in the overall outlook since they have
become a decisive force.

Scope for Hope


"To us hope is very much essential part of life, since there are
already all other dark forces active around us to deviate us, allure
us and to crush our integrity. Hence hope to many of us is not an
unnatural phenomenon but a natural one that generates from each action
and attitude of people at the grassroots. Hope is a process of
enlightenment that keeps all of us going. Hope is something that gives
our morale a boost. Hope is something that inspires every moment. It
is the power that sustains us; hence it is vital for us to remain
conscious and cautious about all other forces.

However from the above experience of many friends and comrades, there
is still scope for us to state that people at grassroot level are in
the process of resistance amidst chaos and confusions. It is certain
that in a process of globalisation and fascism, it is going to happen
and we all need to anticipate it in the fight for justpeace. Hence in
short hope that grassroot people can lead the struggle for justpeace
consists of new understanding about the socio-political system,
understanding the forces and actors, formulation of strategies and
revival of community life."

What Learning do we take from the above Experience to Substantiate our Hope?
One is that in a complicated society like the Indian where there is a
crucial phenomenon of social fabric, it cannot be understood as a
class society in a classical Marxian analysis. This is what often the
Marxists in India forget or are just unwilling to understand and
acknowledge. Here the class structure exists only through sustain
caste. Hence my personal understanding is that in the South-Asian
sub-continent the question of class is complimentary to class.

Secondly, Dalits at large have been co-opted by the mainstream social
and political systems to a larger extend. Even when there is the
upcoming of a Dalit leader; he/she gets lost in the whirlwind. It has
to a large extend affected the Dalits unification, since the cream
layer goes straight into the enemy camp. One has to cleverly escape
the trap of political co-option, as this is one of the most effective
traps unfolded by the Chauvinist Hindus. It is not an easy task,
however not impossible even. Unless we conceive new forms of
co-operation, emergence of Dalit force is unimaginable.

Thirdly, inter community relationship should grow, unlike the present
situation. Currently it has been co-opted and got rotten within the
present political games. The minimum of having inter-community
dialogue among Dalit communities at various levels is also not there.
This at large is due to the co-option strategy that keeps the
community further fragmented. Similarly a sense of domination has also
outgrown within certain communities. This needs to be rectified.
Indeed this is a process of identifying the enemy from within. This is
also a part of understanding the community as an organic living unit.
Forces of fragmentation are everywhere but what are the basic elements
that could unify us should be identified and acknowledged.

Fourthly, unification of Dalits in no way connotes to homogenisation
as propagated by certain Dalit groups. Then there won't be any
difference between Dalit unification and the basics of Hinduism. It
has to grow from within the diversity; otherwise it would be just
insensitive. Maybe we are unwanted and unrecognised, filth and scraps
as denoted by the caste forces. But we are human beings; we have a
history, a culture and life. We need to grow from there and with the
scraps we have to rebuild it. Hence one has to think in terms of
co-operation rather than getting fouled or entangled within the
mainstream political peripheries. There are signs of it in many parts
of the country – one has to carry forward it from there. Various Dalit
organisations are addressing the issue. Mobilising a movement is much
easier than building organisations and heading towards a big struggle.

Fifthly collective living has been the core of the Dalit culture and
history. Even during the days of terrible repression and oppression,
there was life within the community. This is what has withered away
with the upcoming of the present formula of fascism and globalisation.
Consumerism is dominating and infiltration of upper caste culture has
laid an unabated of communion of the community. Both these are
consummated to compliment each other. It is taking terrible forms.
Nevertheless, Dalits have a rich history and heritage of living
together, the culture of sharing, caring and co-operation.

Cultural notion of collective life was expressed through the art and
art forms, which has been corrupt in the present context. Collective
has been ruffled in the current process of consumerism and
Hinduisation. This cannot go like this.

That is why it needs a revival. Culture is not just the forms of life,
but also the elementary rhythm of life, the harmony among human being
and the melody of living with nature. This is also expressed through
our art forms too. Hence let's re-search our songs, our dance, our
lore, our stories, our harmony, and our rhythm. Unless this harmonious
culture is reinstated, it won't help mankind to survive for longer
period. This is what a major challenge before us.

The Emergent Vision of Hope is

- Of a just, egalitarian, peaceful, fraternal and harmonious society.
This is the creation of a casteless, classless society.


- A society of equals, neither unequal nor more-equals, beyond the
strings of caste, class, gender, race, etc. that often leads to social
oppression, political exploitation, economic deprivation, cultural
domination, gender discrimination, class isolation, deliberate
exclusion, etc. We believe in a society beyond this.
The revival of Dalit culture, art and art forms bereft of Brahministic
domination and intrusion of consumeristic norms and values.


- The rebuilding of society through cultural expression and values.


- To give space, respect the diversity and promote the culture of
love, compassion and collectivity.


- A society with socialist, secular, democratic and decentralised norms.





Existing Pro-Dalit Policies in Nepal

By Mr. Tek Tamrakar
The Weekly Telegraph | Kathmandu,Wednesday, 17 November 2004
http://www.nepalnews.com.np/contents/englishweekly/telegraph/2004/nov/nov17/nati\
onal.htm

Constitutional Promises

The Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, has clearly mentioned for
protective discrimination in the Article 11(3). Prohibiting to the
caste as well as sexual discrimination, the constitution has pledged
to initiate special programs and welfare laws for the socially, and
educationally backward class people. This provision has indirectly
paved the way for affirmative action and reservation. Following the
spirit of this provision, the fundamental governance of the
constitutional framework (Directive Principles and State Policies) has
been enshrined. As a result, the government has enacted various Acts,
policies and programs i.e. free legal aid, free primary education,
provision for political participation in local level, policies for
cultural enhancement, specific program for their economic enhancement.
Some programs for social security have also been formulated. Other
major obligations for Dalit upliftment, provided to the government by
the constitution are given as follows:

State shall pursue a policy of increasing the participation of the
labor force, the chief socio-economic force of the country, in the
management of enterprises by gradually securing employment
opportunities to it, ensuring the right to work and thus protecting
its rights and interests(Article 26(6).

State shall pursue a policy of making the female population
participation to a greater extent, in the task of national development
by making special provisions for their education, health and
employment (Article 26(8).

State shall pursue the policies in matters of education, health and
social security of orphans, helpless women, the aged, the disabled and
incapacitated persons and ensure their protections and welfare
(Article 26 (9).

The state shall pursue a policy which will help promote the interests
of the economically and socially backwards groups and communities by
making special provisions with regard to their education, health and
employment.(Article 26(10)

In order to secure justice for all, state shall, pursue a policy of
providing free legal aid to indigent persons for their legal
representation in keeping with the principle of the Rule of law
26(14).

Welfare Legal Provisions

After the restoration of the democracy, the government has enacted
various laws and provisions addressing Dalit issues. Though, there is
not any specific law like in India for the elimination of
untouchability and upliftments of Dalit, there are some laws which
directly/indirectly address some of these aspects. Basic laws among
them are as follows:

Legal Aid Act provides legal representation to the marginalized communities;

Local Self- government Act has mandated for several welfare policies
carried out for the upliftment and promotion of Dalit at the local
level;

Scholarship Rule provides 10% scholarship as reservation to Dalit student,

Education Act provides free education to Dalit students in secondary level;

Bonded Labour welfare Act, Children Act, Child Labour Act and Social
Welfare Act are other important laws that help to the Dalit

Besides the above mentioned provisions and plans Muluki Ain5 has also
included various provisions for the upliftment of Dalits.

Tenth Plan

The current Tenth plan of the government has also planned the various
welfare programs for Dalits, which focuses on such aspects as:
Employment of Dalits; Foreign employment; Sensitization programs
against untouchability at the local level; Encouragement to Dalit
women for school teachers; Distribution of scholarship programs; Job
in governmental as well as non-governmental entities;

Other programs visualized by this Plan are: Health awareness at all
levels; Food for Work program;

Housing arrangement for homeless Dalits; Income and skill generating
training for modernizing their traditional occupations; Arrangement of
leasehold forest within community forests for Dalit forest users;
Provision of grants to poor Dalits for micro-irrigation;Focal point
will establish in levels of the government for Dalits; Discrimination
in the entrance into temples will be discouraged; Political parties
are mandated to nominate Dalits in every level of parties; Political
parties are mandated to punish them who are involved on discriminatory
activities; and Abolish all discriminatory provisions and enact new
special law to eliminate discrimination.

As per these Plans it is found that the main priorities of Tenth plan
are eradication of poverty, women's empowerment and gender
mainstreaming. Tenth plan states the importance of the many faces of
poverty and focuses on the economic growth distribution of resources,
human resources development, social balance, empowerment and social
transformation. Tenth plan provides for the compulsory education up to
primary level and promises to be taken as national movement and
accordingly the institutional, administrative and other necessary
improvements will be done.

The National Commission for Dalit

The Government has ratified International human rights instruments,
including International Convention in Elimination of all kinds of
Racial Discrimination, 1965 (ICERD), International Covenant on
Socio-economic and Cultural Rights, 1966 (ICSPR), Convention in
Eliminating all kinds Discrimination against Women, 1979 (CEDAW),
Convention against Torture (CAT) and Anti Slavery Convention (CAS).
Besides, strong voice has been raised by the Dalits for a watch dog
body. Accordingly, for the protection and promotion of Dalit rights,
the government led by Sher Bahadur Deuba established National
Commission for Dalit in 2002. The main objectives and assigned tasks
given to the Commission are as given below:

Protect and promote the Rights of Dalits; Make recommendation for
social welfare laws and introducing change in them; Investigation on
the issues and cases relating atrocities and violation of rights; Make
recommendation for adopting the special plans and programs to
concerned authorities; and Adopt special steps for carrying out Dalits
into the mainstream of development.

Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare

The Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare was established in
September, 1995 with the objective of bringing women into the
mainstream. The other developments are Ministries having Women
Development Units, sections or divisions in all ministries like in
Local Development, Agricultural, Labor, Education and the National
Planning Commission. But the Ministry of Social Welfare has merely
been involved in empowerment of women and children and not for Dalit
community, though in principle social welfare includes the advancement
of poor, disadvantaged and downtrodden people.

Committee for Deprived/depressed and Dalit Community

With a view to uplifting and promoting socio-economic status of
Dalits, the government established the Depressed and Deprived Dalit
Committee under the Local Development Ministry in 1997. But the
Committee could not prove dynamic and pragmatic. The main weakness of
this committee is due to its composition and functioning. Since, the
nomination of the committee members is politicized, the dedicated and
the genuine personality from among the Dalits have not been appointed.
Therefore, the members mostly serve the interest of their bosses, who
are actors for propagating discrimination. The Committee, however,
initiated some activities like distribution of scholarships, awareness
campaigns against untouchability, publication of bulletin, radio
program, etc. But the insufficient budget, apart from the defective
policy in the distribution of scholarships proved impediment. Another
barrier behind the effective function of this committee is frequent
change in the composition of its structure. Committee is changed as
and when there is change in government.

The National Commission for Women

As per the recommendation of Beijing Declaration, the Ministry for
Women, Children and Social Welfare established the Commission for
Women in 2002 to design, execute, monitor and evaluate as well as
promote the implementation of the policies related to the women. It
was intended to promote the legal, political and social safeguards of
the women. This Commission has not it's own Act like Dalits'
Commission. Yet, this has organized a series of seminars, apart from
conducting studies. Similarly the commission has visualized to hear
the complaints regarding the sex discrimination issues and operate the
awareness programs to make women sensitized and well known about their
rights. The Commission has formed the group against the atrocities
against women and accordingly it has made case against such social
taboo as 'witchcraft'. But, there is a lack of participation of Dalit
women in the decision making process of the Commission.

National Human Rights Commission

As a result of long struggle of human rights activists and the other
working organizations in Nepal, the Human Rights Commission was
established in 2000. The Commission is empowered to investigate the
incidents of human rights violations including violations due to
carelessness and neglect. It has a mandate to deal with complaints
against HMG/N employees and agencies only. However, it is supposed
only to recommend but not to implement its decision on any issue.
Similarly, the Commission lacks of the alternative dispute resolution
mechanism to deal with complaints. In the absence of this sort of
mechanism, the complete protection of human rights is not possible. It
is gathered that when a complaint is lodged regarding Dalit problem in
the Commission, it forwards the case to the National Commission for
Dalits. But some of the steps that the Commission has taken against
caste discrimination are appreciable, which include case of Maruni
Devi and also the case of social boycott. The Commission has to do
more for the protection and promotion of Dalit rights. It must correct
this stereotype perception and work as strong ombudsman for the
protection and promotion of Human Rights of all without any
discrimination.

Citizenship to Dalits

Citizenship certificate is the identity of the sovereign people. It
paves the way for people for the participation and enjoy the state
facilities. As such, some jurists have rightly recognized it as
fundamental rights among fundamental human rights. But, the Dalit
people are deprived of citizenship certificate. Since most of Dalits
are involved in traditional jobs, they hardly own their land.
Deprivation of land hampers them to have their permanent
accommodation. But land is a pre-requirement for citizenship
certificate. At this juncture, the decision of Government to provide
citizenship certificate to Dalit easily in 1996 played vital role. But
still Tarain (Madhesi) Dalit and Badi Dalit are being far from
achieving the citizenship certificate.

Citizenship Certificate with Thar

Right to self-determination is an inalienable right under civil
liberties. Autonomy and independence are considered as the basic
infrastructure for human development. The ratified covenant on Civil
and Political Rights8, 1966 has obliged State Parties to be liable to
protect and promote the right regarding self-determination. With a
view to providing citizenship certificate entitling thar, the
Government has made written declaration. Dalits still are deprived of
receiving certificate with their thar. But the decision of the
government is important. ( The author is a public interest lawyer)








Two video documentaries on the Dalits in Nepal
http://www.msnepal.org/reports_pubs/misc/dalit_documentary.htm

Why are some people considered "untouchable" by others? Why do many
upper caste people sprinkle water to purify themselves ritually when
are touched by a Dalit?


Two documentary films about the lower caste people -the Dalit- in
Nepal have just been finished. The films are a result of a joint
project between Danish Association for International Co-operation (MS-
Nepal), Danida/HUGOU's Dalit Support Unit and a Danish
filmmaker/anthropologist. The two films "We have the Same Kind of
Blood" and "Why Dalit?" are the first ever close portraits of Dalits
made in Nepal.


"We Have the Same Kind of Blood" gives a sensitive and in-depth view
of the daily life of Dalits as it is experienced by the villagers in
Pachnali, a small mountain village in Doti district in West Nepal.
The village is inhabited by several Dalit castes - the Kami
(blacksmiths), Damai (tailors) and Bhul (leather workers) among
others, as well as some Thakuri upper caste households. The filmteam
settled in the village for 1½ month to participate in the daily life
and create a close relationship to the villagers. At first the
villagers were reluctant to be filmed: "Why should other people to
see our poverty?", they asked, being shy of wearing their worn out
clothes in front of the camera. Slowly the confidence was built up.


Some of the glaring examples of the caste based discrimination are
revealed in the film: as in many parts of Nepal, they are not allowed
to use the water taps reserved for the higher castes; they cannot
enter the Hindu temples as they are considered to be "impure" and
have a "reckless" behaviour. The strong influence of the religious
cosmology upon the caste behaviour and the daily life as such is also
reflected in the films.


"Why Dalit?" provides an insight portrait of the Dalits' situation in
Nepal at large. Through the words of Dalit and upper caste people,
the film explores many of the paradoxes in the caste based
discrimination: like why are the shoes made by Sarkis, lower caste
people, allowed into the house of the upper castes, when the person
who made the shoes cannot enter? The film moves from the mountain
areas in the West down to the Terai in the South and sheds light on
different Dalit castes and their living circumstances - e.g. the
Sunars (goldsmith) who try to escape from the caste discrimination in
the hill villages by migrating to the more populated market areas in
Terai; the Badis who struggle to get citizenship for their fatherless
children; the Dhobis (washermen) who spend their life washing
clothes, but still are considered "dirty".


The practice of caste discrimination is illegal and punishable by law
in Nepal. But the caste system still forms an essential part of the
cultural landscape. In many ways the Dalits live on the margin of the
Nepalese society - economically as well as culturally. But the films
also show the humour and strength of the Dalit as they try to live a
life in dignity. Being the first in-depth portrait of Dalits' way of
life and the discrimination as it takes place every day in many parts
of Nepal, the films are important inputs in the process of asking for
equality for all citizens in Nepal and raising awareness about caste
discrimination.


Produced and directed by Ms. Berit Madsen/Manche Film with Ms. Ganga
Gurung as sound engineer/interpreter, the two documentaries have
enjoyed expert inputs from Dalit NGO Federation, Feminist Dalit
Organization and Dalit Welfare Organization. The documentaries,
edited by Mr. Rabindra Pandey, are enriched by Aavaas's music/lyric
and songs by Mr. Tirtha Gandharva.

Video Distribution in Nepal & Asia:

MS-Nepal
Dillibazar, Kathmandu
GPO Box 4010
Nepal
Tel. 977 1 434040
Email: msnepal@m...

DANIDA (HUGOU)
Baluwatar, Kathmandu
PO Box 6332
Royal Danish Embassy, Nepal
Tel. 977 1 432131
Email: hugou@h...

Video distribution in Denmark & Europe:

MS-Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke
Copenhagen, Denmark
Tel. +4577310000
Fax +4577310101
Email: ms@m...









Old age pension scheme for poor ST beneficiary in Bengal soon

West Bengal, India > Kolkata, Nov 19 :
PTI : http://www.123bharath.com/news/index.php?action=fullnews&id=38256


The West Bengal government will introduce an old age pension scheme
for poor persons belonging to the Scheduled Tribes in the current
financial year.

The state's SC/ST and Backward Class Welfare minister, Upen Kisku,
told newsmen here that Rs 500 would be given to persons over 60 years
of age per month in the current fiscal.

Persons belonging to ST communities, who are permanent residents of
the Integrated Tribal Development Project (ITDP) area and living below
the poverty line, would be eligible, he said.

The minister said the scheme was under active consideration of the
state government for some time.

The magistrate of a district having ITDP mouzas would immediately
undertake a survey to ascertain and identify all persons eligible for
pension under the new scheme.





'Caste system will go within a century'
Wednesday November 24 2004 00:00 IST
CHENNAI:
http://www.newindpress.com/Newsitems.asp?ID=IET20041123111745&Title=Southern+New\
s+-+Tamil+Nadu&Topic=0


The caste-based hierarchy could be eradicated in a century's time as
the idea of caste identity was gaining momentum, and the lower castes
especially were no more shy to speak about their origins but were
boldly challenging the status quo, said Dipankar Gupta, noted
professor of sociology at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.

Delivering a lecture here on Tuesday, he noted that the lower castes
were growing out of the mind-set that they should not challenge the
position they were born into. In the past, the upper castes were
successful in making the lower castes reconcile themselves to their
lot by exploiting the Karma theory, but it was not the case any more.

Tracing the origins of the caste division, Gupta noted, in ancient
times the country was a conglomeration of insular village economies,
wherein the lower castes were held on a tight leash by the upper
castes. Any violation of the social order invited terrible
retribution. As the economic system was slowly transformed under the
influence of various forces from across the globe, the caste system
too started taking a beating.

But the colonial intervention only served to stem the tide, for the
British turned to the upper castes, Brahmins especially, for advice on
governing a fractured society. Thus Brahmins were able to consolidate
their position on top of the heap, but Independence and universal
adult franchise changed all that.

"Nobody is willing to give them position of pre-eminence any more.
Thus the foundation has been shaken. With changing ethos and the
growing spirit, the caste order too would be gone," he hoped.

Speaking about reservations for the backward classes, Gupta was all
for the continuation of the reservation policies, but supported the
proposition that the creamy layers should be excluded. "Reservation is
a very good idea for those who lack social assets," he said, adding
that those who were capable and had benefitted enough should step out
of the reservation system and give way for others.

"Take yourself off the list, if you have gained enough. Extend a
helping hand to the really needy without hogging it all for
yourselves," was his message.





THE MAJOR OBJECTIVES OF LAND REFORMS CONSIST OF REORDERING AGRARIAN
RELATIONS TO ACHIEVE AN EGALITARIAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE - DR. RAGHUVANSH
PRASAD SINGH

Press Release: http://pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=4992


Dr. Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, Union Minister of Rural Development has
said that the major objectives of Land Reforms consist of reordering
agrarian relations to achieve an egalitarian social structure,
elimination of exploitation in land relations, realizing the age-old
goal of "land to actual tiller", enlarging the land base of rural
poor, increasing agricultural production, diversification of
agricultural economy etc. Dr. Singh was inaugurating the Revenue
Ministers Conference of the States and Union Territories here today.
'Re-distributive land reforms that provide a minimum level of land
holding to the landless and a measure of security of tenancy are
essential for securing rural agricultural poor against income
fluctuations. As you are aware, most of the States have done excellent
work in conferment of tenancy rights to the occupants but a lot of
work remains to be done because clandestine tenancy in various forms
is still prevalent resulting in land records that do not reflect
ground realities', he also added. Here is the full text of the speech:

"I am indeed happy to inaugurate this Conference to discuss various
issues pertaining to implementation of Land Reforms programmes and
Schemes of Computerisation of Land Records and Strengthening of
Revenue Administration & Updating of Land Records. I would urge that
issues relating to Land Reforms may be discussed with an open mind and
a consensus may be arrived at for better implementation in your State.

As you are aware, the subject of Land Reforms is under the exclusive
legislative and administrative jurisdiction of the States as provided
under entry No.18 List II (State List) of VII schedule to the
Constitution of India. The Central Government plays an advisory and
coordinating role in this field.

The major objectives of Land Reforms consist of reordering agrarian
relations to achieve an egalitarian social structure, elimination of
exploitation in land relations, realizing the age-old goal of "land to
actual tiller", enlarging the land base of rural poor, increasing
agricultural production, diversification of agricultural economy etc.
The major components of the strategy of land reforms have been the
abolition of Zamindari and intermediary tenures, tenancy reforms,
ceiling on ownership of agricultural holdings, consolidation of
holdings, distribution of Ceiling Surplus Land, Government wastelands
including Bhoodan land to the land less rural poor, modernization and
updating of land records system, special measures for prevention of
alienation and restoration of alienated tribal lands, empowerment of
women to ensure greater access to land and abolishing gender-bias in
land legislation.

The implementation of ceiling laws on land holdings was done in two
phases i.e. pre-revised ceiling laws during 1955-71 and post-revised
ceiling laws after 1972. Since inception of the programme of
distribution of ceiling surplus land an area of 73.67 lakh acres was
declared surplus, of which 64.97 lakh acres was taken possession of
and an area of 54.03 lakh acres was distributed to 57.46 lakh rural
poor of whom 51% are SC/ST beneficiaries.

Under Bhoodan land a total of 39.16 lakh acres of land was donated out
of which 21.75 lakh acres have been distributed to the rural poor.
However, an area of 17.41 lakh acre remains to be distributed.
Therefore States/UT have been advised to prepare an action plan and
undertake a special drive for distribution of the remaining Bhoodan
land expeditiously. Distribution of Government's wastelands has been
one of the key strategies of land reforms, but this has not received
the attention it deserves. So far an area of 147.47 lakh acres of
Government wastelands has been distributed amongst land less rural
poor.

It would be worthwhile to mention that about 14,000 cases involving an
area of 8.45 lakh acres under Ceiling Laws are pending in various
Revenue Courts/High Courts/Supreme Court. Therefore, States are
requested to take effective steps for early disposal of cases pending
in various Courts. Moreover, a specific target may be fixed for
disposal of ceiling surplus land cases pending especially in Revenue
Courts so as to distribute such lands to the landless rural poor
families who do not have any house site in rural areas.

Though lot of ceiling surplus land/Government wastelands were
distributed to landless rural poor for agriculture purposes, however,
many rural poor families still do not have adequate land for house
sites. In this regard, the Rural Development Institute (RDI) Seattle,
USA has conducted a study on allotment of Homestead-cum-garden land in
the States of Karnataka and West Bengal and found that a practical and
effective land reform alternative is to provide house and garden plots
to the landless poor so that they can improve their economic
conditions and social status. In this regard I would request all the
States to chalk out a plan of action to allot at least 0.15-acre land
as Homestead-cum-garden land to those who do not have any house site
in rural areas.

Re-distributive land reforms that provide a minimum level of land
holding to the landless and a measure of security of tenancy are
essential for securing rural agricultural poor against income
fluctuations. As you are aware, most of the States have done excellent
work in conferment of tenancy rights to the occupants but a lot of
work remains to be done because clandestine tenancy in various forms
is still prevalent resulting in land records that do not reflect
ground realities. Keeping in view the above facts, States have to
launch a special drive to unearth all informal tenancies in order to
recognize their rights as tenants/sharecroppers and bring their name
on record of rights and provide all legal rights.

Article 46 of the Constitution enjoins upon the States the obligation
to promote the interests of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and
to protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.
State Governments have accepted the policy of prohibiting the transfer
of land from tribals to non-tribals and for restoration of alienated
land to tribals. The States with large tribal populations have enacted
laws prohibiting alienation of tribal land and for restoration of
alienated land. Though some results have been forthcoming in efforts
undertaken by different States, the task still remains unfulfilled. As
per the report received from various States, 3.75 lakh cases of tribal
land alienation have been registered covering 8.55 lakh acres of land,
of which 1.62 lakh cases have been disposed of in favour of tribals
covering a total area of 4.47 lakh acres out of which an area of 4.33
lakh acres has been restored to tribals. I would like to emphasise
that States should undertake a special drive so that alienated land
may be restored to the tribals at the earliest.

Though the Constitution of India safeguard the rights and privileges
of women, confers equal rights and opportunities on men and women and
prohibits discrimination against any citizen on the ground of sex,
religion, race and gender, however, laws relating to land favour men
and are discriminatory to women. In most regions of the country, women
constitute a disproportionate number of poor. They are also more
dependent on agriculture for a livelihood than men. Yet, very few
women have titles to land and even less control on it. I feel there is
a need to address gender and land rights to provide the constitutional
/ legal safeguard to women with regard to their access to land.

This Ministry has already formulated a National Policy on Resettlement
and Rehabilitation for Project Affected Families and sent to State
Governments for its adoption. It is requested that this National
Policy may be adhered to while dealing with the acquisition of land
for large projects. Similarly, we have drafted a Land Acquisition
(Amendment) Bill, 2004 and circulated to State Governments for their
comments. Therefore, it is requested that if you have any suggestions
on this, it can be discussed during the Conference.

As you are aware the Scheme of Computerisation of Land Records (CLR)
is being implemented since 1988-89. Many States have shown encouraging
results. However, some States are lagging behind due to various
reasons. Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the Union Government,
envisages that Revenue Administration should be thoroughly modernized
and clear land title be established. Therefore, States are requested
to undertake revisional survey for continuous updation of land records
to reflect the ground realities on land records. This Ministry has
reviewed the progress of implementation of Scheme of Computerization
of Land Records and on the basis of the performance of the States set
targets for various activities of the Scheme and same has been
communicated to the States for effective and timely implementation.
Therefore, I request once again to adhere to the target fixed by this
Ministry for better implementation of the Scheme so that land owners
can get updated computerized copy of record of rights without any
hassles.

With these words I have great pleasure in inaugurating this Conference
and wishing your deliberations all success. "





NHRC direction to Varanasi SSP on dalit youth's death

New Delhi, Nov 23 : PTI :
http://www.123bharath.com/news/index.php?action=fullnews&id=39119

Concerned over a physically challenged dalit youth being allegedly
burnt to death in a Uttar Pradesh village, the NHRC has directed the
Senior Superintendent of Police of Varanasi to file a "factual report"
on the matter within two weeks.

The rights body issued the direction taking suo-motu cognizance of a
media report earlier this month that 17-year-old Rahul Ram had died
after his house in Bakhara village in Chandauli district was set
ablaze by some unidentified persons.

It observed that the death of a physically-challenged youth in these
circumstances raised the serious issue of human rights, a release from
the Commission said today.





Reservation for Muslims is a constitutional need

By Abdul Hafiz Gandhi
1-15 Aug 2004
http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/01-15Aug04-Print-Edition/011508200491.\
htm

Diverse opinions have cropped up on the recent initiative of AP
government to provide five percent reservation to the Muslim community
in educational institutions and government jobs. Pandemonium over the
issue has eclipsed the genuine concerns, which Government Order 33
seeks to redress. Reservations made on religious basis may give rise
to fissiparous tendencies and would result in disparaging the ideals
of secularism and non-discrimination, but going into the historicity
and sociology of pathetic condition of the Muslim community one may
come to the logical conclusion that providing reservation to it would
further the concept of equality envisaged in Article 14 of our
Constitution. The whole philosophy of equality revolves around the
premise that equality should be among equals and unequals be treated
differently. Legislations may be enacted for unequals treating them as
a separate class. The entire reservation policy hinges on this
rationale.

A pertinent question arises here: when SC/ST, a majority of whom
belong to the Hindu community or its derivatives, reap benefits of
reservation, why no accusing finger is raised and why no
self-appointed defenders of Hindutva come out to protest that these
caste-based reservations pose a serious danger to the soul of
secularism. Why no hue and cry is raised as the reservation for the
last 56 years is creating conditions favourable for the establishment
of a State where every seat of power will be controlled by persons
belonging to the Hindu majority (either through reservation or
otherwise). The most questionable part of the whole controversy
vis-à-vis Muslim reservation is the partisan attitude of some pressure
groups.

Muslims are not better off today than any other oppressed, socially,
educationally and economically backward class of citizens and have
also been the victim of the gross neglect of successive governments,
especially over the last 56 years. Statistics show a grim and sorry
state of affairs with regard to the social and economic advancement of
the Muslim populace in this country of vast diversities. What to talk
about whole India, in AP itself 66 percent of 6.4 million Muslim
population lives below the poverty line. The total Muslim literacy
rate is eight percent while a negligible four percent women are
literate. This data applies to other states also. It was for this
reason tha the Saxena Commission recommended a fixed percentage for
Muslims in educational institutions and government jobs to improve the
lot of the most neglected and deprived sections of the society.

The opposition to the demand of Muslim reservation is based on the
claim that they had been the rulers of the country for centuries, and
hence, cannot be victims of historical oppression and suppression.
This brings us to an important point, 'Is the reservation to SC/ST
logical on the ground that their ancestors were subjected to social
and economic suppression centuries ago, so the offspring who have not
even dreamt of the stigma and effects of those atrocities be given
reservation?' This logic of applying ointment to the wounds afflicted
to the forefathers is illogical and without any merit today. But law
is law and these victims of history are enjoying the fruits of the
constitutional affirmative action. It will be erroneous to presume
that mere belonging to the religion of the ruler would make you
socially, economically and educationally well off. In those days
Muslims also were suffering the agony of poverty and exploitation at
the hands of the rulers who happened to be Muslims just as Dalits are
persecuted today at the hand of those who too are Hindu.

The long journey of India from 1947, towards establishing an
egalitarian and non-communal nation, has been marred by biases and
prejudices against the Muslim community. It has suffered irreparable
losses during the last 56 years with regard to its social, economic,
educational, religious and political status. The strength of the
community has gone down to negligible figures in the years that
followed. The 33 percent of Muslim employment in government jobs in
1947 has drastically and unfortunately registered a decline of 31.5
percent, reducing it to approximately 1.5 percent. Is this not breach
of promise and security?

Nationalism and nation-building needs to be harmonious. Reservation to
Muslims would certainly increase their participation in
nation-building resulting automatically in the development of the
feeling of patriotism and nationalism in the Indian Muslims.

A good and evolving democracy is that, which protects the interests
and the well-being of the minorities. The phenomenon of employing
affirmative actions for the minorities is not new to world
democracies. Even in US, the policy of affirmative actions is
deep-rooted. It has been the consistent policy of the America to give
reservation to its black-American minority in educational
institutions. US Supreme Court upheld the admission of a
black-American boy in the law department of Michigan University, where
he was admitted on a low merit. This resulted in a denial of admission
to a white American having higher merit. When this matter finally
reached the Supreme Court, it held the admission of black-American
valid and constitutional on the ground of affirmative action. In India
minorities are not given their due share which they deserve in the
policy-making and administration of the nation. Several commissions
have recommended reservation in paramilitary and police forces on the
basis of religious leanings so as to reduce the communal biases and
prejudices in the forces against people of a particular religious
identity. This, if done would prove to be a protective wall to prevent
Gujarat like situations from raising their deadly heads every now and
then.

Our Constitution has provisions which can come to the rescue of Muslim
community and to the government of AP. Art 15(a) of the Indian
Constitution provides, State can make special provisions for the
advancement of any socially and educationally backward class of
citizens. Perusing this article, a fine conclusion is that, if any
class of citizen is educationally and socially backward, Constitution
encourages the State to make special provisions for the advancement of
that section. Muslims are, no doubt, educationally and socially
backward and therefore, they are legally entitled for beneficial
measures like the one bestowed by the AP government. Not only this,
Art 16(4) even goes further to help out those sections which due to
certain reasons out of their control, could not find State employment.
Under this article, State is empowered to make positive affirmative
measures like reservation in appointments or posts in favour of any
backward class of citizens, which in the opinion of the State is not
adequately represented in the services under the State. This article
even dispenses with the pre-condition of being educationally and
socially backward as is the case with Art 15(4). One need not be
educationally or socially backward, but the condition is inadequacy of
representation in the State employment. Muslims by no stretch of
imagination, be considered to be adequately represented in the State
employment. If AP reservation is seen with the legal eyes, one would
not find any incongruity in the decision of giving five percent
reservation.

The State is under constitutional duty under Art 46 of the
Constitution of India to promote the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people and to protect them
from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.

There is no denying the fact that reservation as a tool for
advancement of a community cannot be used perpetually. It must be a
temporary measure which should be discountinued if the purpose is
achieved. Muslim reservation should also be made on this premise. It
should automatically come to end on the expiry of a certain period.
Perhaps this was the intention of the framers of the Constitution.
There should be one more rider. The benefits of reservation should be
restricted to those Muslims whose taxable income does not exceed Rs.
one lakh a year, i.e., the "creamy layer" must be discouraged from
reaping these benefits. The fruits must go to the deserved ones only.
It should not be like SC/ST reservation, where all the advantages are
for those who do not need them now, and the deserving are left to
grope in the dark.

It is high time that, when people are demanding reservation even in
the private sector, it will be quite immature and unreasonable to
preclude and discourage Muslims from getting it in the public sector
and State-run educational institutions.

It is for certain, that if Muslims are denied benefits of reservation,
nationalism and nation-building will remain two alien and
irreconcilable concepts. Educational, social and economic advancement
of Muslims through reservation is the demand and necessity of our
time. UPA-led government must come up to convert into reality the
promise made to the Muslims in the Congress manifesto. This is the
testing case for the Congress and its parivar.

The writer is an advocate in Delhi High Court and may be contacted at
abdulhafizgandhi@r...








The dalit in India - caste and social class

By Sagarika Ghose
http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2267/is_1_70/ai_102140949/p
rint


Dalit: The Word and the Sentiment

I search for God, whom should I hear?
I made stone temples, carved God out of stone
But priests are like stone,
They imprison God.
Whom shall I hear?
We were born Untouchables
Because of our deeds.

--Dalit devotional song (Franco, Macwan,
and Ramanathan, 2000: 191)
THE dalit or "Untouchable" is a government servant, the teacher in a
state school, a politician. He is generally never a member of the
higher judiciary, an eminent lawyer, industrialist or journalist. His
freedom operates in designated enclaves: in politics and in the
administrative posts he acquires because of state policy. But in
areas of contemporary social exchange and culture,
his "Untouchability" becomes his only definition. The right to pray
to a Hindu god has always been a high caste privilege. Intricacy of
religious ritual is directly proportionate to social status. The
dalit has been formally excluded from religion, from education, and
is a pariah in the entire sanctified universe of the "dvija." (1)

Unlike racial minorities, the dalit is physically indistinguishable
from upper castes, yet metaphorically and literally, the dalit has
been a "shit bearer" for three millennia, toiling at the very bottom
of the Hindu caste hierarchy. The word "pariah" itself comes from a
dalit caste of southern India, the paRaiyar, "those of the drum"
(paRai) or the "leather people" (Dumont, 1980: 54).

At 150 million, dalits or "scheduled castes" and "scheduled tribes,"
form about 20 percent of India's population (Census of India, 1991).
Backward castes as a whole, taking dalits, tribes, and Other Backward
Castes (OBCs) into consideration, form about 52 percent of India's
population. (2) Today, wide-ranging policies on affirmative action
have opened up government service and state education to dalits. But
areas of freedom are limited, largely to sectors that are under the
aegis of the state, such as the civil service or state-owned
enterprises. Exclusion from cultural and social networks emerges from
the dalit's crucial exclusion from the system of castes (Mendelsohn
and Vicziany, 1998: 39).

The dalit's pariah status derives its strength and justification from
religious texts. In the Manusmriti, (3) the dalit is described
as "polluted," in the same way as a menstruating woman, a widow, or a
person who has recently been bereaved is polluted. The dalit
is "unclean" from birth. He violates, by his very existence, the
brahminical obsession with hygiene (Dumont, 1980: 131). While
the "untouchability" of the menstruating woman or the bereaved is
temporary and he or she can escape the Untouchable condition after
the period of "pollution" is past, the dalit can never escape his
status: he is perpetually filthy.

In a hymn from the Purusasukta of the Rg Veda, (4) the dvija are said
to have been born from elevated parts of the body of the supreme
being. The dalit is the "unborn," with no physical link with the
supreme being. According to this hymn, from the body of Brahma come
the four main categories of Hindu society, namely the four varnas
(colors or castes): (5) brahmins (priests), kshatriyas (warriors),
vaishyas (businessmen), and shudras (servants). The priest is born
from the mouth of the Creator, the warrior from the arm, the
businessman from the stomach, and the servant from the foot.
Untouchables are born from outside the body of the Creator, almost a
different species from Brahma's children. Their entry into the divine
body would be as unthinkable as the entry of an animal.

Today, the literary and scholarly efflorescence among dalits is set
apart from caste Hindu society as a particularly dalit development.
Dalit critiques of nation and society barely impinge on upper-caste
notions of the social order, of the nation-state, and of modernity in
general. The reasons for this are often attributed to the grafting of
traditional caste networks onto modern state institutions--for
example, the upper-caste seizures of Western education and the higher
bureaucracy. The slide of the independent Indian nation-state into a
landscape dominated by the brahminical upper castes has meant that
new ways have been found to effectively seal the dalit in
his "democratic" prison (Nigam, 2000).

As a result of legally reserved quotas in government and in state
educational institutions, sections of dalits have emerged from
agricultural poverty to become middle class. Yet the waters of modern
opportunity flow along the fields of the upper castes, which were the
main beneficiaries of the professional opportunities provided by
colonialism and which also stand to gain the benefits of contemporary
globalization, such as opportunities in the Information Technology
industry or in the private sector. Thus, while dalit political
importance and militancy rises, at the same time the dalit remains
segregated from caste Hindu society by the invisible arms of caste.

The word "dalit" or "crushed underfoot" or "broken into pieces" is
the contemporary version of the word "Untouchable." "Dalit" owes its
genesis to the nineteenth-century writings of Jotirao Govindrao Phule
as well as to the literature of the Dalit Panthers, a political group
formed in 1972 in the state of Maharashtra. British colonial census
takers grouped together all those communities' neighbors
considered "polluted" and called them "Untouchable." "harijan"
or "children of god" was Mahatma Gandhi's name for dalits. The
word "Untouchable" is sometimes still used, but "harijan" is seen as
an equivalent of "Uncle Tom," a paternalistic and condescending
categorization of a group doomed to remain in perpetual bondage.
Dalit leader Bhaurao Gaikwad observed in 1935 that "It is no use only
giving Untouchables a sweet name. Something practical should be done
to ameliorate their conditions" (Moon, 1987, vol. 4: 230). Today most
Untouchable castes would prefer to use the term "dalit" as an
identity of assertion. The UN Conference against Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance held in Durban,
South Africa, in September 2001 equated "racism" with "casteism";
although this parallel has been systematically criticized, the
word "dalit" has been interpreted by some activists as equivalent
to "Black."

Dalits are the main targets of what are termed "caste-related
crimes'. Over 2000 dalits died in the three years between 1989 and
1991 as a result of"atrocities against harijans" (Memorandum of Dalit
Writers Forum, 1996: 9). In the rural countryside, stripping, hacking
to death, massacres and lopping off heads are the marks of a horrific
bestiality inspired by the unshakeable taint of dirtiness. (6) The
dalit body, powerful, suppressed, and perennially dirty from such
tasks as removal of dead cattle and waste, tanning, or toddy tapping
(collecting juice from the bud of palm tree flowers) is to be
violently exorcised, ritually cleansed, from the pure "Aryan" body of
the Hindu caste system. (7)

It is the argument in this paper that despite the far-reaching
legislative and educational quotas for scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes, and their undoubted benefits, dalits still are savagely
attacked in the rural countryside and in the urban milieu
untouchability still knocks at the closed doors of such institutions
as the arranged marriage, the caste Hindu temple, the classical music
concert, and the private sector. The cultural hegemony of the dvija
remains virtually intact. Dalitness continues to exist as much as an
idea as a physical reality. The idea of the polluted bonded servant
is so ingrained in the subcontinental mind that the dalit remains at
the bottom of the intellectual and emotional landscape of
contemporary India, however far he may advance in a public career and
agitate for change. Every child born into an upper-caste Hindu family
grows up with a mind's eye image of the acchyut (Untouchable). The
Imagined Untouchable is squalid in appearance and it is the religious
duty of a "pure" Hindu to consider him perpetually inferior.

The Emergence of the Outcaste Pariah: The Dalit and the Brahmin

"'If a kalash (vessel) of water comes into a bhangi's (Untouchable's)
hand,' sing the women of the dalit Vankar caste, 'he'll drink and
drink until his stomach bursts'" (Franco, Macwan, and Ramanathan,
2000: 193).

The poor Untouchable! So eager just for water, that when he gets it
he drinks until his stomach bursts!

An enormous body of scholarly work exists on the Indian system of
castes. For Dumont (1980), Indian society has always been defined by
the hierarchy of castes. Caste "is above all, a system of ideas and
values, a formal comprehensible rational system ... [imbued with] the
idea of hierarchy" (35). "Purity" and "pollution" remain central to
the caste system--indeed, central to Hinduism itself--and for the
Brahmin purification and hygiene are a necessity (Dumont, 1980: 52).

This argument is opposed by, among others, Dipankar Gupta, who argues
that Dumont's idea oversimplifies caste and papers over regional
particularities and transactions.

It is impossible to construct a uniform hierarchy of caste
based on the notion of purity and pollution. No caste would
acquiesce to its placement among the so-called "untouchables."
No caste would agree that members of other castes
are made up of substances better than theirs. No caste
would like its people to marry outside the community. No
caste would like to merge its identity with any other caste.
No caste accepts that it has originated from a shameful act
of miscegenation. Any suggestion of being half-breed is dismissed
haughtily across the board by all castes" (Gupta,
2000: 33).
However self-important, caste remains an invisible engine of Hindu
society, creating subtle social and political linkages, functioning
as a closed enclave of common practice and thought and working as a
lobby or pressure group that over time creates monopolies over
certain professions and businesses. (8)

Caste is today seen to have become "secularized"; that is, caste has
become a modern interest group, transformed into small monopolies of
economic, political, and cultural interests. (9) Caste steps out from
the shadows every time a marriage is arranged or a child is born or a
new professional or business opportunity emerges.

Caste is, at its very base, linked to production and occupation. It
is a system of labor division from which the element of competition
has been largely excluded. "Economic roles are allocated by right to
closed minority groups of low social status; members of the high
status 'dominant caste' to whom the low status groups are bound,
generally form a numerical majority and must compete among themselves
for the services of individual members of the lower castes" (Leach,
1960: 5-6). The membership of a caste implies that a person becomes
part of a person-based social network that controls insider
information about economic opportunities; transmits skills; and
provides varied types of human and material support (Panini, 1996:
39).

Caste is by its very definition exclusive and because of the manner
in which particular castes channel themselves into particular
occupations, it becomes virtually changeless. India's software
industry, for example, is dominated by Tamil Brahmins; (10) the civil
service by kayasthas from Uttar Pradesh. (11)

In the pre-British period, the jajmani system--by which the
blacksmith, carpenter, potter, oilman, barber, washerman, and priest
all became linked with the household of the upper-caste landowner and
were paid in kind by the landholder for services rendered during the
year--helped to ensure the durability of the caste system in the
rural countryside (Srinivas, 1962; Leach, 1960). Add to this the
principle of heredity and caste soon solidified into a family trade
as well as an almost irreversible social category that was maintained
as much by social taboo as by economic imperative.

Thus the dalit, the caste that exists outside the caste system, is
trapped by his own economic trade. The dalit's pariahness begins with
the Untouchable castes becoming associated with those groups
specializing in "impure" tasks, such as cleaning out waste, skinning
cattle, working in leather, butchery, fishing, and supervising
cremations. Leather workers, washermen, scavengers, undertakers,
toilet cleaners, toddy tappers, sweepers and rural laborers were
polluted because of their work. (12) Their role in the caste-based
economic system meant that the modern dalits, descended from the
professionals of impure tasks, are heirs to centuries old filth,
professional as well as psychological.

Acchut! (Untouchable!)

Myriad practices existed and still exist to denote the pollution of
the dalit. Not only could the dalit not enter a Hindu temple or drink
water from temple tanks, but he had to live in segregated huts on the
outskirts of villages. In parts of south India in the nineteenth
century, dalit women were forbidden to cover their breasts. Dalits
had to beat a drum to signal their arrival so the brahmin knew where
to hide or how to protect his food. The brahmin is most vulnerable to
pollution when he is eating, so if a shadow of a dalit fell on his
food, the food too became Untouchable. On occasion dalits had to wear
a spittoon so that his spittle did not fall on his surroundings and
he could never stand in the way of a wind that might carry his smell
or breath to a brahmin. In a Jataka story (377. III. 154), a Brahmin
cries, "Curse you, ill omened candala [dalit], get to leeward"
(Omvedt, 1998).

Nonetheless, there are qualifications to untouchability. Instances
can be found of dalit midwives, local functionaries, and local
soothsayers and saints who have been revered by all sections of
society. There are also instances of dalits participating in caste
Hindu festivals; sections of dalits have also sometimes engaged in
upper-caste rituals. (13)

Yet the dalit as pariah played a crucial role in allowing the upper
castes a monopoly on education and in certain "pure" trades. Because
of the divine sanction for eternal serfdom, the denial of education
and thus opportunities for advancement, upper castes were able to
successfully eliminate masses of people from the competitive economy
that developed under colonial rule (Harrison, 1960).

Reform: From Buddha to Phule to Naicker

Choo-o, choo-o, na chee! O je chandalini'r jhi!
Noshto hobe je doi, she kotha jaano na ki?

(Don't touch her, don't touch her, ugh!
She's the daughter of a Dalit woman!
Your yogurt will get spoiled, don't you know?)

--Song from Rabindranath Tagore's
Bengali dance drama Chandalika
In Chandalika, Prakriti, a young dalit woman, falls in love with a
Buddhist monk, Ananda, who wins her heart by drinking water from her
cup, even as she's shunned by the rest of the village. Subsequently,
Ananda leaves on pilgrimage and Prakriti is devastated. She forces
her mother to use her powers of black magic to bring him back. The
witchlike mother brings Ananda back to Parkriti but dies in the
process. The grief stricken girl is seen seeking the blessings of
Ananda, who encourages her to take to Buddhism to escape the cycle of
degradation.

The pollution of Prakriti and her mother is contrasted with the
purity of Ananda. The mother, a sensual practitioner of black magic,
is revealed as ultimately powerless against the monk. Chandalika is
not only a comment on the fate of the Untouchable girl but on the new
life promised to dalits by religions like Buddhism.

Indeed, Buddhism is easily the most famous of the innumerable reform
movements within Hinduism that have been in progress since the fifth
and sixth centuries B.C. The underlying impetus to change the dalit's
pariah status was provided by these reform movements and the
innumerable voices that have been raised for centuries against
orthodox Hindu practices. The ascetic-led Buddhism and Jainism
movements developed as alternatives to the ritual-bound and caste-
dominated doctrine that Hinduism had become. The ascetic Buddha and
Mahavira both sought to create egalitarian faiths based on compassion
and simplicity and provided theological foundations for subsequent
protests.

The Bhakti movement that emerged in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, exemplified in the cults of popular "saints" like Kabir
and Mirabai, tried to negate the power of the brahmin clergy and
questioned the brahmin's chief weapon: purity and the power to
dispense untouchability.

It's all one skin and bone,
one piss and shit,
one blood, one meat.
From one drop, a universe.
Who's a Brahmin? Who's shudra?
So sang Kabir, the fifteenth-century Bhakti saint (Hess, 1983: 25).
Yet the Bhakti movements were unable to change the workings of the
caste system, primarily because these saints formed a sort of mystic
fringe, spiritually intense alternatives to the main body of
orthodoxy that, although popular and doctrinally seductive, were no
threat to a 3,000-year-old faith.

However, the Bhakti movements, the impact of Western ideas during the
colonial encounter, social reform movements of the nineteenth
century, the Gandhian movement, and finally the dramatic dalit
movement led by B. R. Ambedkar have combined to create a significant
tradition of anticaste reformism not only among educated elites but
also among today's newly articulate voters.

In the nineteenth century, social reform emanated from the soul
searching that had become part of the educated upper-caste elites
once they came into contact with Western ideas of liberalism and
rationality (Raychaudhuri, 1999: 60). There were campaigns to secure
the rights of the widow, ban sati (the practice of widows immolating
themselves on their husband's funeral pyres), and reject caste.

The emergence of Gandhi and Ambedkar--mutually opposed to each other,
yet highly significant in their own way to the cause of the dalits--
grew from the context created by these nineteenth-century movements
as well as the deeper traditions of anticaste protests created by
Buddhism, Jainism, and the Bhakti cults. The movement to abolish
caste prejudices owed its modern liberal humanist form to Jotirao
Govindrao Phule in Maharashtra and later to the campaigns of E. V.
Ramaswami Naicker in Madras state.

Jotirao Phule (1827-90) developed powerful arguments against the
caste system and the Brahmin and also used Christian missionary
arguments to "reject the fictitious world of Hindu religion"
(O'Hanlon, 1985: 105). His Satyashodhak Samaj or "Truth-Seeking
Society" gave voice in 1873 to the radical idea that brahmins had
used religious authority and administrative power acquired under
colonial rule to oppress other sections of society.
Although "moderate and "respectable" reformers were reluctant to
accept such wholesale condemnation of brahmins (O'Hanlon, 1985: 255)
and the Satyashodhak Samaj remained virtually limited to the state of
Maharashtra, the influence of its ideas can be traced to the
anticaste ideologies that emerged subsequently.

The work of Christian missionaries also functioned as a fundamental
challenge to traditional caste-based practices. From O'Hanlon's
thesis on the radicalizing influence of Christianity on Phule's
thoughts, it would be accurate to say that caste, as a conceptual
category, was seriously challenged only after the arrival of the
Christian missionaries, who initiated the radical idea of extending
education to the dalits. The first special schools for Untouchables
were opened in the 1840s, encouraged not only by the missionaries but
also by the British administration. From these schools came the first
generation of dalit activists, writers, and politicians. A dalit
writer recently wrote that as far as the dalits are concerned, "the
British arrived too late and left too early," a reference to the fact
that had it not been for the British colonial administration, dalits
would have never gained the right to attend school. (14)

Even though the overwhelming majority of dalits in the colonial
period remained railway workers, landless migrant laborers, urban
sweepers, stone cutters, and servants, some became soldiers in the
army of the East India Company and others, such as the mahars, were
able to achieve the status of a wealthy and assertive elite (Zelliot,
1970: 43).

After Phule, the other social reformer who can be seen as precursor
of Ambedkar was E. V. Ramaswami Naicker (1879-1973). Naicker founded
the Self-Respect Movement, which advocated a vigorous attack on
caste, especially "Aryan Brahmins." He campaigned for forcible temple
entry, burning of the Manusmriti, and atheism. Ironically, modern-day
political parties like the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All
India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, which are the descendants of
the Self-Respect Movement, have veered away from the rationalism and
atheism of Naicker and instead lapsed into various forms of Hindu
obscurantism. (15)

Both Phule and Naicker, however, positioned themselves as not just
anti-brahmin but implacably anticaste and pro-poor, thus preparing
the ground for the emergence of Ambedkar's leadership style.

Ambedkar and Gandhi: The Untouchable and the Patriot-Saint.

There have been many mahatmas in India whose sole
object was to remove Untouchability and to elevate and
absorb the depressed classes, but every one of them has
failed in his mission. Mahatmas have come and mahatmas
have gone. But the Untouchables have remained
Untouchables.

B. R. Ambedkar (Moon, 1987, Vol. 3: 67)

Examine the Gandhian attitude to strikes, the Gandhian
reverence for caste and the Gandhian doctrine of Trusteeship
of the rich ... Gandhism is the philosophy of the
well-to-do and leisured class.

B. R. Ambedkar (Moon, 1991, Vol. 9: 291)

The taint of Untouchability is an intolerable burden on
Hinduism. Let us not deny God by denying to a fifth of
our race the right of association on an equal footing.

Gandhi (1958: 317)
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891-1956), a dalit who became one of the
drafters of the Indian constitution, is regarded as the father of the
modern dalit movement. He was a contemporary of Gandhi, the leader of
India's freedom movement. Ambedkar was one of Gandhi's harshest
critics, a bitter opponent of the manner in which Gandhi drew a gauze
of unity over what for him was India's warring social landscape. For
Ambedkar, the Gandhian movement was conservative, upper caste, and
bourgeois, a movement resisting the full-scale socioeconomic
transformation of Indian society (Sarkar, 1983: 345).

Ambedkar's argument that political democracy was meaningless without
social transformation was far too radical for the nationalist upper
castes. That Gandhi himself was an upper-caste Hindu--as were most of
his key lieutenants--definitely gave, for Ambedkar, a certain caste
color to the entire nationalist movement. His own energetic
leadership, the series of imaginative protests he launched--including
drinking water from prohibited temple tanks, burning the Manusmriti,
and his conversion in 1956 to Buddhism as a repudiation of the Hindu
religion--galvanized the dalit community, taking off from where
Jotirao Phule had stopped.

Ambedkar's dalit movement would not align itself to the nationalist
cause that occupied political centerstage all his life. It would
instead campaign openly against caste and Hinduism. At this juncture
of India's independence movement, the motifs of Hinduism were
providing the images of nationalism. Hindu goddesses and festivals
were being used to instill self-esteem and brotherhood. Ambedkar's
open denunciations of Hinduism and the Indian National Congress--seen
as the great hope of all who were pitted against imperialism--became
the basis of much of the future criticism of Ambedkar as an
imperialist agent trying to divide the nationalist struggle (Shourie,
1997: 483). In "Annihilation of Caste" (Moon, 1979, vol. 1: 37),
Ambedkar provided a searing critique of the "enlightened high caste
social reformers who did not have the courage to agitate against
caste." The subsequent debate with Gandhi began Ambedkar's long
distrust of the Congress Party and his belief that membership in the
Congress would further enslave the dalits.

The attack on caste and the championing of the industrial strike--
Gandhi had declared that the industrial strike would never be part of
the armory of the Indian freedom struggle--made Ambedkar anathema to
Gandhians. Even liberals accused him of trying to take Indian society
onto a suicidal self-destructive course (Kumar, 1987: 97). Before
independence, Ambedkar's insistence on separate electorates for
Untouchables had been totally unacceptable to Gandhi. Ambedkar's
demand was interpreted as dalit antipatriotism. Gandhi said at the
time that "The claims advanced by the Untouchables, that to me is the
unkindest cut of all. I claim in my own person to represent the vast
mass of the Untouchables" (Moon, 1979, vol. 1: 506).

For Gandhi, Hinduism and the caste system were not negotiable. But
Ambedkar rejected both Hinduism and the caste system as well as the
claims of any upper caste to represent the dalits. For Gandhi,
Untouchability was an evil within Hinduism, to be reformed by Hindus.
For Ambedkar, upper-caste leadership of dalits was abhorrent. While
Gandhi asserted that he was proud to be a Hindu and that castes were
an integral part of Hinduism, Ambedkar categorically stated that he
would reject Hinduism unless caste was purged from it completely
(Keer, 1990: 231). This has formed the basis of much contemporary
antagonism between dalits and the upper castes. For the dvija, the
dalit hostility to Gandhi--the patron saint of the independent nation-
state of India--was almost an act of treason. For dalits, patriotism
for India itself came to be seen as an upper-caste activity.

Nonetheless, it cannot be denied that Gandhi's own harijan campaign
was highly successful and for those dalits who were not with
Ambedkar, Gandhi remained an attractive leader--so much so that for
the first four decades after independence, significant sections of
dalits remained loyal to the Congress largely because of the hope
embodied for them in the person of the Mahatma.

Thus, Ambedkar failed to counter the Gandhian charisma. Instead, his
legacy to the dalits was this: "Your salvation," Ambedkar
declared, "lies in political power and not in making pilgrimages and
in observance of fasts" (Keer, 1990: 168). Aggressive separatist
politics and fierce demands for reserved seats in educational
institutions were Ambedkar's gift to his community. These demands
have been criticized as divisive and fractious by some. Others have
seen them as the only means of deepening the democratization process
in India. (16) It would not be inaccurate to say that without
Ambedkar, the present-day aggressively articulate dalit protest would
not have been possible. Without him, dalits might have remained
compliant subordinates in the upper-caste-led Congress.

Contemporary Politics: The Political and Literary Struggle

Affirmative action has now done enough for the Scheduled
Castes.... [T] hey should now focus on winning
power through elections, for the capture of political
power will ultimately transform them (Ram, 1997).
The dalit are linguistically and regionally divided, but dalits do
not constitute a mass electoral constituency. Thus dalit radicalism
has often been co-opted or it has simply dissolved into splits and
factions. However, growing self-awareness and militancy have created
a limited autonomous political space.

The Gandhian movement, colonial legislation, and the Ambedkarite
movement contributed to the wide-ranging "reservations" (affirmative
action or policies) that were written into the Indian constitution.
Constitutional reservations of posts and seats for scheduled castes
and scheduled tribes (17) are seen to have created what is termed
the "Harijan elite" (Sacchidanand, 1977: 5) and have become a highly
political and controversial issue. (18) This issue was most starkly
manifest in the violent public confrontation between upper castes and
dalits that took place over the Mandal Commission Report. In 1990,
the V. P. Singh government decided to implement the Mandal Commission
Report of the Backward Classes Commission (December 1980) The
commission's controversial report called for reserving 27 percent of
all services and public-sector undertakings under the central
government and 27 percent of all admissions to institutions of higher
education (except in states that have reserved higher percentages)
for backward class members and dalits.

Violent controversy arose. It was argued that affirmative action
would be difficult to implement in conditions of mass poverty and
unemployment that left even upper castes suffering from massive
economic deprivation. The efficacy of reserving government posts as a
long-term measure of social justice was also questioned. Which groups
were to have a monopoly on governing India and holding government
posts was also a concern.

Many upper-caste youth tried to immolate themselves to protest these
quotas. There were fears that those who had already gained advantage
from reservations would only accumulate greater benefits. In the end,
the Supreme Court gave its assent to the government order for
implementation of the Mandal report, although it inserted a clause
excluding the "creamy layer" of the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in a
statement about "taking off the creamy layer for a healthier glass of
milk." This implied excluding the rich intermediate castes (those
just above the dalits in the caste hierarchy) from the Mandal
recommendations. (This exception has proved difficult to implement.)
Still, the Mandal recommendations are generally in place except in
some states, where they are stalled in court cases.

The logic of the Mandal recommendations was akin to letting the dalit
eat a single meal at the Brahmin's table. (19) Omvedt writes:

The reservation system was instituted not so much on the
basis of the Constitution as on that of the decades-old elite
resistance to restructuring public employment. It serves several
purposes. It allows the elite to maintain the facade of a
generous patron of Dalits while continuing to deprive them
of mass-level education and access to resource. It provides a
process to absorb some of their brightest members into a
system still based more on extortion and corruption than
true public service. Finally, it continues to block a true
representation of the majority of the nation's population, a
representation which the founders and leaders of the anti-caste
movement had always seen as part of a full-scale political
and social-economic transformation (Omvedt, 2001).
The reservations scheme has also come under strain from the process
of liberalization initiated by the government a decade ago. As the
state has begun to retreat from the "commanding heights" of the
economy, "the hard won battle for backward castes reservations will
become meaningless if the state begins to reduce the number of
government posts and sheds many of its functions" (Panini, 1996: 28).

There has thus emerged a dalit demand for reservations in the growing
private sector, once more angering the upper castes. The January 13,
2002, Bhopal Declaration pointed out that there is not a single dalit
billionaire, businessman, or industrialist. (20) It demanded the
incorporation of a United States-style "equal opportunity for all"
principle in Indian industry so that dalits may escape the historical
burden of performing the economy's "polluted" tasks.

The Bhopal Declaration voices a cry for the dalit to abandon the
ghetto of government service and emerge as players in the private
arena. For dalits to have reached a level of self-confident
articulation to call for legislated entry into assets mainly all
owned by the dvija is a protest against the paradox of political
saliency yet social degradation that this paper has examined.

In addition to the Bhopal Declaration, the Dalit Shiksha Andolan
(Dalit Education Revolution) and the Dalit Sahitya Academies (Dalit
Literary Academy) are evidence of the thirst for intellectual capital
and the desire to create a new "private sector dalit" by means of the
English language and to create intellectual dynamism. (21)

The need to foster intellectual energy remains one of the crucial
features of dalit self-criticism. "The tragedy is every young dalit
intellectual's ambition is to be a civil servant ... an
administrative slave of Hindu-brahminism.... [T] he dalit community
has not produced a powerful socio-spiritual philosopher ... who is
able to play the role of Jewish liberators" (Ilaiah, 2002:11).

In fact, the All-India Backward and Minority Employees Federation
(BAMCEF), which was established in 1976, had envisioned itself as
a "talent bank" for dalits. In 1976 a BAMCEF bulletin declared
that "educated persons from oppressed communities are trapped in
government services. About 2 million educated oppressed have joined
these jobs ... but their cowardice, selfishness, inherent timidity
and lack of desire of social service to their own creed ... makes
them useless."

BAMCEF failed at intellectual awakening and dalit leaders like Kanshi
Ram and Mayawati broke away to set up the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
in 1984 because of the futility, they declared, of BAMCEF-style
campaigns to awaken the class of dalit government servants who had
sunk into the torpor of protective legislation.

The emergence of the BSP has been an important milestone toward the
goal of achieving an autonomous dalit political identity. The
swearing in of Mayawati, a dalit woman, as chief minister of the
state of Uttar Pradesh--India's most politically important state,
supplying the largest number of legislators to the national assembly--
is an event whose importance cannot be exaggerated. In a political
dispensation controlled until recently almost entirely by hereditary
landlords or westernized upper castes, the rise of India's plebian
politicians is nothing short of revolutionary. The consistent rise in
the vote share of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is indicative of the
rising awareness of political autonomy, although this electoral
phenomenon remains largely limited to north India. (22)

The BSP revolution, however, suffers from several contradictions. The
party has often been accused of creating a new "power elite" and
patronage networks among dalits. The most significant criticism made
of the BSP is that it has on many occasions allied with the Hindu
nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); indeed, it rules the state
of Uttar Pradesh today in partnership with the BJP. Since the BJP's
identity is that of a party of high-caste Hindus, this alliance
stands in direct contravention of Ambedkar's searing rejection of
Hinduism and upper castes.

Nonetheless, the BSP remains the single most successful dalit
political formation at the national level. Its success is in contrast
to the history of the Dalit Panthers. The Panthers--who borrowed
their name from the Black Panthers in the United States--emerged in
1972, comprised mainly of poets and writers. While the Panthers
contributed a great deal of revolutionary literature and campaigned
against several crimes against dalits, within a few years the
movement splintered and became co-opted, joining various government
committees and panels. The BSP, on the other hand, has built strong
grassroots links with rural areas. BSP politicians prefer to use the
term "bahujan samaj" or "society of the backward" rather than dalit
in the attempt to build broader based electoral alliances with other
backward castes.

However, the "society of the backward" has failed to materialize
primarily because of the nature of agrarian relations, which pits
backward castes against each other and thus divides the society of
the backward. Since brahmins have become urbanized, it is the
intermediate backward castes (those just above the "pollution line")
who have become owners of the land on which the dalit is a laborer.
This has led several dalit intellectuals to argue that the greater
enemy of the dalit is no longer the brahmin but the intermediate
castes, which are often placed in a directly competitive position
with dalits. Debates on the dalit's main enemy have divided the
community and a united dalit movement remains unlikely.

This high degree of political involvement has been accompanied by
heightened intellectual activity. This is seen in the founding of
several magazines, such as Dalit Voice, an English-language dalit
journal that has completed its twentieth year in publication. Yet the
large number of dalit journals has not secured for the dalit
journalist a place in the mainstream media. In his article "In Search
Of A Dalit Journalist," B. N. Uniyal writes that when he undertook a
survey of national newspapers and magazines to see if any media house
employed a dalit, the figure was an astounding zero (Uniyal, 1996).
In fact, he reports that editors and senior staffers became angry at
him for carrying out this exercise. Among 686 journalists accredited
by the government, 454 were upper caste. The remaining 232 did not
carry their caste names and in a random sample of 47, not one was a
dalit.

The Dalit Writers Forum, in a memorandum submitted to the Press
Council ("End Apartheid," 1997), says the situation is similar in the
legal, corporate, banking, software, and cultural sectors. (23) In a
survey of Indian matrimonial advertising carried out in 2000, the
advertising agency McCann Erickson noted that caste remains as
important in the new century as it was four decades ago (McCann
Erickson, 2000). Intercaste marriages between dalits and caste Hindus
is extremely uncommon. (24) At the University of Delhi, only 6 of the
school's 311 professors are dalits (Xaxa, 2002). The Dalit Writers
Forum alleges that an invisible apartheid exists in contemporary
India.

Conclusions

To take on the dalit identity is to be a radical soldier for
empowerment. To seek to merge with the mainstream would be to renege
on dalitness, to risk the opprobrium of the community and social
disdain from the upper castes. The exploited dalit must seek radical
empowerment. But the empowered dalit remains socially trapped--
precisely because his empowerment comes on the basis of the very
social category that he is trying to rise from. Significantly, co-
optation by the elite of dalit movements has been a significant
reason for their own relative powerlessness. Dalits on their own,
linguistically and culturally divided as they are, simply do not have
the numbers to become a truly mass movement without building links
with other minorities, such as Muslims. With the exception of the
BSP, dalit movements have found it difficult to grow.

Its been argued that that since Hindu culture is dominated by
religion, the intellectual entrapment of the dalit cannot be eased
unless a large scale re-writing of the Hindu holy texts takes place
(Ilaiah, 2001: 57). In sharp contrast with Jesus or Mohammad, Hindu
gods have developed through history as aristocrats. Hindu deities are
presented as kings and queens, strengthening the implicit assumption
that the poor do not deserve a god.

The upper caste indifference to the dalit, the unwillingness to
participate in transformations of the dalit's condition, emerge from
the religious sanctity attached to the dalit's pariahness. The dalits
pariah status in the moral world of the Indian village and town is
related to a certain secretive silent conviction about
Untouchability. But while it is perhaps true that an overemphasis on
caste could obscure the very real issue of the poverty that afflicts
all sections of the laboring poor, both the brahmin and the
Untouchable remain tenacious moral categories in the Indian
subcontinent. "Untouchable" or harijan is still a term of social
abuse and prejudice, however much Westernized elites may like to
believe that the issue of caste is buried. In the cities, caste
practices cannot operate because it is difficult to avoid a
stranger's shadow in a bus or roadside restaurant, yet these
practices can be and are enforced in the full range of private social
and cultural choices.


Notes

(1) Dvija translates as "twice born" or upper caste. Those born into
the upper castes are usually invested with a "sacred thread" at
investiture ceremonies held for boys about to enter their teens. The
investiture ceremony is considered to be the "second birth" into the
caste hierarchy.

(2) Upper castes form about 25.5 percent of the total population. At
the same time 90.23 percent of A-grade posts in government service
are held by upper castes. Dalits hold about 7.18 percent these posts,
according to the Mandal Commission Report of the Backward Classes
Commission (1980).

According to the Census of India (1991), 77 percent of scheduled
castes (SC) and 90 percent of scheduled tribes (ST) are tied to the
primary sector. Further, of the total dalit work force in the primary
sector, 65 percent of SC and 36 percent of ST are landless
agricultural laborers. Over 80 percent of dalit landholdings are
either small or marginal plots. Also, 63 percent of SCs and 70
percent STs remain illiterate. We should note here the movement in
illiteracy figures. In 1971 only 15 percent of the total dalit
population was literate; by 1991 it has reached 37 percent. Only 6
percent of dalit women were literate in 1971. By 1991, the figure
stands at 24 percent. Literacy among dalits has been rapid and fairly
revolutionary.

(3) The Manusmriti or Laws of Manu is the book of Hindu law and dates
from the seventh century A.D.

(4) This was composed between 1500-1000 B.C.

(5) Varna means "color," a possible development from the early
hierarchy perceived between the invading central Asian tribes into
the Gangetic plains; these invaders are described as "Aryans" while
the indigenous, darker skinned inhabitants are designated "Dasyus"
or "Dravidians." Although correlation between color and caste is
misleading, it is assumed that lighter skinned are placed in the
upper castes rather than in the dalit category.

(6) One of the worst massacres of dalits took place in December 1997
at Lakshmanpur Bathe village in Bihar, where 67 dalits were
slaughtered by the upper-caste Ranvir Sena.

(7) For more on armed conflicts between dalits and other castes and
on harijan "atrocities," see Report of the Committee on
Untouchability (1969).

(8) See Harrison (1957).

(9) Kothari and Maru (1965): 99-100. For more on how caste influences
modern politics, see also Harrison (1960).

(10) "The Great Leap Forward (2000).

(11) Kayasthas are upper-caste educated "scribes."

(12) Gandhi's campaign of cleaning out toilets by the upper castes,
forcing his own wife to clear out human waste, and enforcing upper-
caste menial labor in his model villages was a fundamental attack on
the Untouchability of such labor.

(13) See Srinivas (2002) for more on "sanskritization," the process
of upward mobility within the caste system. Sanskritization is a
process through which castes are able to better themselves in the
caste hierarchy by first acquiring greater wealth and then emulating
the practices of the twice born. Neera Burra (1996) has shown how
some rural dalits practiced upper-caste rituals. Burra points out
that the penetration of Buddhism among some rural dalits was limited
and many, even after the Ambedkarite revolution, continued to worship
their old Hindu gods. It may be argued that sankritization might have
resulted in some mobility but it is doubtful if dalits have ever been
able to rise out of Untouchability through sanskritization.

(14) See Prasad (2000).

(15) The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam, political parties that rule the state of Tamil
Nadu, were born from Naicker's Self-Respect Movement. Today they
openly ally with religious groups and have created a ritualized hero-
worshipping political culture by which political leaders are viewed
as gods and indulge in a range of superstitious practices.

(16) Most contemporary observers are sharply divided on the role of
caste in Indian politics. Caste has been seen as the engine of social
change and as a means of fracturing social unity and weakening
nationalism. For more on the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's attempts
to shed its upper-caste image and become a more "backward caste"-
friendly party, see Jaffrelot (1993).

(17) Reservations have been the single most important avenue by which
a Dalit middle class has emerged. The SCs are guaranteed 15 percent
of the seats and the STs 7.5 percent of the seats in the Lok Sabha
(national parliament) and state legislatures. Reservations
provisions, which were slated to end in the 1960s, have been
extended. (A similar percentage of seats for the SCs and the STs have
been established in the central government.)

(18) Upper castes particularly resent the benefits that have accrued
to the "dalit elite." "Large numbers of educated harijan elite have
little active concern for their caste fellows.... [A]lienated from
their own base ... [they] have risen high in the social hierarchy and
snapped their ties with their bleak past.... [T] hey seek a re-
alignment with status and power groups in the wider society"
(Sacchidanand, 1977: 170).

(19) For a critique of the Mandal Report, see Radhakrishnan (1996:
129).

(20) Since the declaration, the government of the state of Madhya
Pradesh has awarded the first private contract (worth about $500) to
a dalit businessman and has committed itself to awarding more. Dalits
have called for "supplier diversity" in the private sector in the
belief that unless dalits are able to choose their own occupation,
instead of having traditional occupations imposed on them because of
their caste, there will be no escape from the ghetto.

(21) Dalit intellectuals like Kancha Ilaiah advocate mass English-
language schools at the primary level to raise educational levels
among dalits.

(22) The BSP was formed on April 14, 1984, in Delhi. The following
figures indicate the BSP's performance in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly:

1989: 9.83 percent of popular vote, won 13 legislative assembly seats.

1991: 9.2 percent of popular vote, won 12 legislative assembly seats.

1993: 11.2 percent of the vote; with a pre-poll alliance with the
Sama jwadi Party, won 67 legislative assembly seats.

1995: Mayawati becomes chief minister with the BJP's support.

1996: 20.06 percent of the vote; with pre-poll alliance with
Congress, won 67 seats.

1997: Mayawati becomes chief minister again, with BJP as a coalition
partner.

2002: 23 percent of the popular vote, won 99 legislative assembly
seats.

(23) The memorandum reports that of the 3 million teachers employed
in 256 universities and 11,000 colleges in India, only 2 percent are
dalits. In 1993, 14 dalit judges served on the Delhi High Court and
several hundreds were in the lower judiciary; further up the scale,
on the Supreme Court or in the higher judiciary, the number of dalit
judges fell dramatically.

(24) The killing of a high-caste brahmin boy and a lower-caste girl
for falling in love and violating caste codes was widely reported.
See Times Of India, August 8, 2001. There have been many such
incidents, although this was one of the few in which the victims were
killed by their own families.

References

Ambedkar, B. R. "Annihilation of Caste" (1936). In Moon (1979).

Burra, N. "Buddhism, Conversion and Identity: A Case Study of Village
Mahars." Caste: Its Twentieth-Century Avatar. Ed. M. N. Srinivas. New
Delhi: Viking 1996.

Census of India. New Delhi: Government of India, 1991.

Dumont, Louis. Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its
Implications. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980.

"End Apartheid from Indian Media; Democratize Nation's Opinion."
Memorandum submitted by the Dalit Shiksha Andolan (Dalit Education
Revolution) and Dalit Writers Forum to Editor's Guild of India and
Press Council of India. 1997.

Franco, Fernando, Jyotsna Macwan, and Suguna Ramanathan. The Silken
Swing: The Cultural Universe of Dalit Women. Calcutta: Stree, 2000.

Gandhi, Mahatma. Young India, 6.10.21. The Collected Works of Mahatma
Gandhi. New Delhi: Navjivan Publishing House. 1958.

Gupta, Dipankar. Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and
Difference in Indian Society. Delhi: Penguin Books. 2000.

Harrison, Selig. "Caste and the Andhra Communists." American
Political Science Review 50 (1957): 378-404.

--. India: The Most Dangerous Decade. Madras: Oxford University
Press, 1960.

Hess, Linda. The Bijak of Kabir. San Francisco: North Point Press,
1983.

Ilaiah, Kancha. Why I Am Not a Hindu: A Sudra Critique of Hindutva
Philosophy, Culture and Political Economy. Kolkata: Samya, 1996.

--. God as a Political Philosopher: Buddha's Challenge to Brahminism.
Kolkata: Samya, 2001.

--. "The Dalit Predicament." The Dalit, Jan.-Feb. 2002

Jaffrelot, Christophe. The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India. New
Delhi: Viking, 1993.

Keer, Dhananjay. Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Mission. Bombay: Popular
Prakashan, 1990.

Kothari, Rajni, ed. Caste in Indian Politics. New Delhi. Orient
Longman, 1970.

Kothari, Rajni, and R. M. Maru. "Caste and Secularism in India."
Journal of Asian Studies 25 (November 1965).

Kumar, Ravinder. "Gandhi Ambedkar and the Poona Pact, 1932."
Struggling and Ruling: The Indian National Congress, 1885-1985. Ed.
Jim Masselos. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1987.

Leach, E. R. Aspects of Caste in India, Ceylon and North-West
Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960.

Mandal Commission Report of the Backward Classes Commission. New
Delhi: Government Of India, 1980.

McCann Erickson. "Brides and Grooms Wanted. Matrimonial Advertising
in India." June 2000.

Memorandum of Dalit Writers Forum. Delhi, 1996. Edited version
published in The Pioneer, 22 April 2001.

Mendelsohn, Oliver, and Marika Vicziany. The Untouchables:
Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India. Melbourne:
Cambridge University Press, 1998

Moon, Vasant, ed. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings And Speeches.
Vols. 19. Bombay: Maharashtra Government Publication, 1979-1991.

Nigam, Aditya. "Secularism, Modernity, Nation: An Epistemology of the
Dalit Critique." Economic and Political Weekly 35:48. (November 25,
2000): 2270.

O'Hanlon, Rosalind. Caste, Conflict and Ideology: Mahatma Jotirao
Phule and Low Caste Protest in Nineteenth-Century Western India.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985.

Omvedt, Gail. Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society: The Non-Brahman
Movement in Western India, 1873-1930. Bombay: Scientific Socialist
Education Trust, 1976.

--. Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit
Movement in Colonial India. New Delhi: Sage, 1994.

--. Dalit Visions. New Delhi: South Asia Books. 1998.

--. "Caste, Race and Sociologists." The Hindu, 14 March 2001.

Panini, M. N. "The Political Economy of Caste." Caste: Its Twentieth-
Century Avatar. Ed. M. N. Srinivas. New Delhi: Viking, 1996.

Prasad, Chandrabhan. "Blacks in US Media and Blackouts in India." The
Pioneer, 11 November 2000.

Radhakrishnan, P. "Backward Class Movements in Tamil Nadu." Caste:
Its Twentieth-Century Avatar. Ed. M. N. Srinivas. New Delhi: Viking,
1996.

Ram, Kanshi. Interview. StarTV, March 1997.

Raychaudhuri, Tapan. Perceptions, Emotions, Sensibilities: Essays on
India's Colonial and Post-Colonial Experiences. New Delhi: Oxford
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Report of the Committee on Untouchability. New Delhi: Government of
India, 1969.

Sarkar, Sumit. Modern India. New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983.

--. Writing Social History. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997.

Shourie, Arun. Worshipping False Gods. New Delhi: ASA, 1997.

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Tagore, Rabindranath. Two Buddhist Plays: The Court Dancer and
Chandalika. Calcutta: Writers Workshop, 1978.

--. Collected Essays. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002.

"The Great Leap Forward." Unsigned editorial. India Today, August 22,
2000.

Uniyal, B. N. "In Search of a Dalit Journalist." The Pioneer, 16
November 1996

Xaxa, Virginius. The Ethnography of SC/ST Reservation: The Case of
Delhi University." Economic and Political Weekly, 13 July 2002:
284954.

Zelliot, Eleanor. Learning the Use of Political Means: The Mahars of
Maharashtra. Caste in Indian Politics. Ed. Rajni Kothari. New Delhi:
Orient Longman, 1970.

Sagarika Ghose, a novelist and journalist, has been closely involved
with the movement among Dalit intellectuals of north India to find a
voice within the cultural mainstream. Her novel, The Gin Drinkers
(2000), is based on the manner in which the Indian upper castes have
monopolized modern education and describes how Dalits have been
ghettoized into the "political" and "official" realms.

COPYRIGHT 2003 New School for Social Research
COPYRIGHT 2003 Gale Group












Big Winner In Indian Elections Remains Best Kept Secret


By Thomas C. Mountain
24 November, 2004
Ambedkar Journal
http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-mountain241104.htm


Many months after the national elections in India, the biggest winner
in the election remains a well kept secret. With the media trumpeting
the election as a battle of the two supposed heavy weight parties
culminating in an alleged knockout punch by the Congress Party of
their rivals, the
Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP , one would never know that the party
of India's bahujans or majority, indegenous peoples made the biggest
gains.

A quick look at a break down of the gains made by the Dalit led
party, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) , whose leadership torch has
been passed to India's Iron Lady, Dalit woman leader Mayawati, (as
researched by Dr. Umakant of the India Institute of Dalit Studies,
and published in the Dalit
International Newsletter, June 2004), shows just how fast the BSP is
growing.

The BSP ran candidates for more seats in the Indian Lok Sabha, or
Lower House of the Indian Parliament, than any other party, with 435
candidates out of a possible 543 seats. The two largest parties in
India, the Congress Party and the BJP (the former ruling party) each
were able to stand 417 and 364 candidates respectively, inspite of
their massive lead in financial and human resources.

A very significant statistic is that the BSP sponsored 150 candidates
in the 25-40 years of age group, more than any other party. The BSP
stood 193 candidates in the 41-55 age group, 85 candidates in the 56-
70 age group and just a handful, 7 candidates, in the 71 years old
group. The BSP stood head and shoulders above the other parties in
promoting the youth movement from amongst its ranks, a trend that
bodes well for its future.

The BSP increased the percentage of the national vote total it
recieved in 2004 to 5.35% from 4.17% in 1999, over 25%, continuing a
trend by increasing its percentage of the popular vote by nearly 50%
since the 1996 election.The BSP increased its representatives of
seats on the Lok Sabha by 75% from the 1996 election, to 19 from 11

While only winning seats in Uttar Pradesh, India's largest and most
influential state, the BSP did very well in other states such as
Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, and Rajasthan, a
major leap in expanding its influence and support outside of its
traditional base in Uttar Pradesh. While contesting all 40 seats in
Bihar, for the first time, though not winning any, the BSP still was
able to pull almost a million votes.

Another very encouraging trend for the BSP is the broadening of its
support base from its traditional Dalit constituency to large numbers
of lower backward castes, lower caste/Dalit Muslims and other
oppressed tribal and minority groups. The BSP tactic of running
candidates from these other groups paid off. Of the 19 successful BSP
candidates, 5 were Dalits, 5 were Yadavs (backward castes or
Shudras), 4 were Muslims, 4 were other backward castes and one was
even a Brahmin. The BSP also continued to expand its support amongst
its core Dalit constituency, growing from 62% of the Dalit
vote in 1996 to 71% in 2004 in Uttar Pradesh. Nationally, the BSP
took 30% of the Dalit vote, second only to the Congress Party which
took 35%, with the Dalit vote for the BJP dropping dramatically to
23%.

The gains of the BSP were instrumental in the defeat of the ruling
party, the BJP, and hurt the Congress Party in a significant way.
With the Iron Lady, Mayawati, having shut down her attempts to work
in coalition with the BJP, and targetting the Congress Party as
the "other high caste party", the BSP has choosen to go it alone for
the time being and made major gains despite lacking the money or
patronage of the BSP or Congress. Having only been formed in 1986 and
for the first time making a nation wide challenge to the traditional
ruling elite, the BSP can only be encouraged by its successes. In
time, if she survives the assassins bullet, Mayawati could one day be
India's first Bahujan or Dalit Prime Minister.

India's Dalits say Caste means Varna, and in Sanskrit, the written
language of Hinduism, Varna means Color. With Caste/Varna/Color
dominating Indian society, Dalits have taken to describing Indian
society as Indian Apartheid. To counter this, Dalits are getting
organized and are starting to see the light at the end of the 3000
year old Apartheid in India tunnel. The only question to be answered
is just how fast they can organize their people. Ignored? Yes.
Slandered? With out a doubt. Defeated? Wishful thinking. The name of
the BSP's Iron Lady,Mayawati, is quickly becoming part of the
nightmares disturbing the sleep of India's caste infested rulers.

For more information on this article or India's Dalit movement
contact the writer at;
tmountain@h...

or send to;
Ambedkar Journal
c/o Thomas C. Mountain
47-431 Hui Nene St.
Kaneohe, Hawaii USA 96744
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