The Times of India News Service

TIRUNELVELI: The strapping six-footer gets down from his air-conditioned Toyota Qualis, donning a pair of jogging shoes, white trousers and a check shirt.

Crowds raise slogans, hailing him to the heavens. The hero is not a third-generation political patrician, but Dr Krishnaswamy, MD, the Dalit leader of south Tamil Nadu.

Krishnaswamy admits it has been a ``giant leap'' for his Puthiya Tamizhagam in the last five years. From an inconsequential candidate contesting on Subramaniam Swamy's Janata Party symbol in 1996, Krishnaswamy has evolved into a ``thalaivar'' (leader) much sought after by National Democratic Alliance partners to swing Dalit votes for BJP, ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and others.

With all the pomp and show of TN politics, Krishnaswamy contests from two constituencies, leads a road-blocking motorcade around and even has two supporters hanging on either side of his moving Toyota. How did he make it so big in five years, prompting TN chief minister and DMK leader M Karunanidhi to grant 10 seats out of the NDA's quota?

In the manner of all political leaders, Krishnswamy prefers to speak while travelling, showing off his youthful supporters' enthusiasm en route. ``In the parliamentary elections of 1998 and 1999 we won more than a lakh votes in several constituencies, forcing many to admit that we are a force to reckon with.'' In the era of caste coalitions, it didn't take long for other leaders to appreciate the importance of Krishnaswamy's emerging vote bank.

But how did his vote bank of a lakh emerge in select constituencies? The enthusiasm of full-throated youngsters is a hint. The southern TN districts with a sizeable Dalit population were always a cauldron of Dalit discontent.

In 1981, Meenakshipuram, a village in Tirunelveli that bore the brunt of upper caste Thevar atrocities converted to Islam. Since 1995, there have been several incidents of caste violence, the only difference being that the Dalits now want to pay back in kind. And the man who talked about self-defence and retaliation has became a hero for youngsters.

The Dalit Pallar and upper caste Thevar clashes of Koodiyankulam in 1995 went on for six months with scores of people dead on either side. Krishnaswamy was even accused of personally masterminding one of these incidents and soon he emerged as the rallying point of the Dalits and a political force.

Yet, when Krishnaswamy addresses public meetings he does not come across as a partisan leader. ``Don't let the corrupt former chief minister Jayalalitha come back. While the Jayalalitha government looted the state to the tune of Rs 25,000 crore, the incumbent Karunanidhi government retreived the situation,'' Krishnaswamy tells his audiences.

But back in his vehicle, he talks of his fight against anti-Dalit forces. Isn't BJP, a part of NDA alliance, perceived as an upper caste party? ``We cannot fight all evils simultaneously.

The foremost evil is the Thevar dominated Jayalalitha's AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam).''

To prove his point, Krishnaswamy cites figures: 80 out of 141 AIADMK candidates are Thevars. ``It is not an ordinary caste battle. Thevars dominate the socio-political scene in TN, which can be fought only politically. The RSS, compared to Thevar dominated AIADMK, is a lesser evil,'' is Krishnaswamy's conclusion.

Caste may decide victors in southern TN

By Swati Das

CHENNAI: DMK President M Karunanidhi's decision to team up with the Dalits will certainly lead to caste-based voting, especially in southern Tamil Nadu.

The Pudiya Tamizhagam led by Dr K. Krishnaswamy is looked upon with apprehension as the dominant Thevars in this region see the party as a "violent group". The Thevars, who till now sailed with the DMK, are planning to vote against the party, mainly because of its ties with Puthiya Tamizhagam.

``The Dalit group is a violent forum. If there is any violence during this election, Pudiya Tamizhagam will be the one to be blamed. Look how in the last five years, Puthiya Tamizhagam had instigated violence. Despite that, Kalaignar (Karunanidhi) has tied up with Puthiya Tamizhagam. Do you expect us to vote for the front?'' asks an angry Senthil, a youth from Periyakulam.

They also feel that a partisan attitude of the DMK government has helped the Dalits get all the facilities and equal rights, while the Thevars were receiving step-motherly treatment.

``The Dalit students get admissions in professional colleges even if they have secured 56 per cent. But when we try, even with 96 per cent, we do not get admission,'' says Jhansi Rani of Kilemadarai village near Usilampatti.

Says Solrasu: ``When a Dalit applies for a patta, he gets it immediately. But when we do so, we are looked upon with suspicion. They ask us numerous questions and tell us that as `we are already rich', we are not eligible for it'.''

No doubt, this consolidation of votes will be stronger in the 10 constituencies where the Puthiya Tamizhagam is contesting. Dalits apart, there is another sore point with the Thevars. A group of the Thevar community, Moovendra Munnetra Kazhagam led by N. Sethuraman, has been roped in by the DMK into the alliance.

Certainly, this is another significant point on which the DMK would lose out on the Thevar votes, which would be a boon for the AIADMK. This would be eclipsed by the fact that MDMK which would have brought in a considerable amount of Naidu and Nayakar votes, would mostly go against the DMK, with the split between the DMK and the MDMK.

However, the polarisation of the votes will not be that intense in the northern and central parts of the state.

In the north, the fight is between the Vanniyars, represented by the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) and the Dalits led by the Dalit Panthers of India and its chief R. Thirumavalavan. But here the strife is more between two parties rather than two castes.

The New Justice Party led by A C Shanmugham is an experimental group, born out of the success of the PMK which rose from being a caste party to a political one. But this will not affect casteist polarisation in the north.