MAHARASHTRA
AS A LINGUISTIC PROVINCE
_____________________________________________________________________
Statement
submitted to the Linguistic Provinces Commission
Printed
from the edition of 1948
_____________________________________________________________________
Contents
Note
Part I : The
Problem of Linguistic Provinces
PART II : Will Maharashtra be a Viable Province ?
PART III :
Should the Maharashtra Province be Federal or
Unitary ?
PART IV : Maharashtra and the City of Bombay
The
figures quoted in this memorandum have been taken from various books and pamphlets written
by various writers on the subject of reconstituting Maharashtra on a
linguistic basis. I rely upon the writers for their accuracy. Similarly,
the map of Maharashtra attached to this Memorandum need not
be taken as accurate or complete. The idea is merely to give
a picture of how the Province when reconstituted will look like.
14-10-48
THE PROBLEM OF LINGUISTIC PROVINCES
1.The
question of Linguistic Provinces has not only led to a great deal of controversy born out
of party prejudices and party interests but it has led to a difference of opinion as to
the merits thereof. The points of controversy relate to claims and counter-claims as
between contiguous Provinces to territories as well as to the terms of their inclusion. I
shall deal with them at a later stage in so far as they
relate to the creation of the Maharashtra Province. I shall
first take up the question of the merits of the proposal for Linguistic Provinces.
2.
What is the purpose which lies behind the demand for Linguistic Provinces? The generality
of those who advocate the creation of Linguistic Provinces do so because they believe that
the Provinces have different languages and cultures. They should therefore have the
fullest scope to develop their languages and their cultures.
In other words, the Provinces have all the elements of a distinct nationality and they
should be allowed the freedom to grow to their fullest in nationhood.
3.
In discussing the question of creating such Linguistic Provinces it would be very
short-sighted to omit from one's consideration the fact that the structure of Government
of India of the future is to be cast in a dual form: (a) a Central Government and (b) a
number of Provincial Governments inextricably inter-linked
and inter-woven in the discharge of their respective Legislative, Executive and Administrative functions. Before one
could agree to the creation of Linguistic Provinces, one must, therefore,
consider the effects which Linguistic Provinces would have on the working of the Central Government.
4.
Among the many effects that may be envisaged, the following are obvious:
(1) Linguistic Provinces will result in creating as many nations as there are groups with pride in their race, language arid literature. The Central Legislature will be a League of Nations and the Central Executive may become a meeting of separate and solidified nations filled with the consciousness of their being separate in culture and therefore in interests. They may develop the mentality of political insubordination, i.e., refusal to obey the majority or of staging walk-outs. The development of such a mentality is not to be altogether discounted. If such a mentality grows it may easily make the working of the Central Government impossible.
(2)
The creation of Linguistic Provinces would be fatal to the maintenance of the necessary
administrative relations between the Centre and the Provinces. If each Province adopts its
own language as its official language the Central Government will have to correspond in as
many official languages as there are Linguistic Provinces. This must be accepted as an
impossible task. How great a deadlock Linguistic Provinces
will create in the working of the Governmental machine can be better understood by
studying the effects of Linguistic Provinces on the Judiciary. In the new set-up, each
Province will have a High Court with a series of subordinate courts below it. At the apex
of these High Courts will be the Supreme Court with the
right to hear appeals against the decisions of the High Courts. On the basis of Linguistic
Provinces, Courts of each Province including its High Court will conduct their proceedings in the language of the Province. What is the
Supreme Court to do when its jurisdiction is invoked for rectifying a wrong done by the
High Court ? The Supreme Court will have to close down. For,
if it is to function — every judge of the Supreme Court — I am omitting for the
moment (he lawyers practising therein — must know the language of every
Province—which it is impossible to provide for.
No
one can contemplate such a situation with equanimity. It may lead to a break-up
of India. Instead of remaining united, India may end in becoming Europe — faced with the prospect of chaos and disorder.
Advantages
from Linguistic Provinces
5.
While it is true that the proposal of Linguistic Provinces
creates a problem which goes to the very root of the matter — inasmuch as it affects
the unity of India—there can be no doubt that the reconstruction of Provinces on
linguistic basis has certain definite political advantages.
6.
The main advantage of the scheme of Linguistic Provinces which appeals to me quite
strongly is that Linguistic Provinces would make democracy work better than it would in
mixed Provinces. A Linguistic Province produces what
democracy needs, namely, social homogeneity. Now the homogeneity of a people depends upon
their having a belief in a common origin, in the possession of a common language and
literature, in their pride in a common historic tradition,
community of social customs, etc. is a proposition which no student of sociology can
dispute. The absence of a social homogeneity in a State creates a dangerous situation
especially where such a State is raised on a democratic structure. History shows that
democracy cannot work in a State where the population is not homogeneous. In a heterogeneous population divided into groups which are
hostile and anti-social towards one another the working of democracy is bound to give rise
to cases of discrimination, neglect, partiality, suppression of the interests of one group
at the hands of another group which happens to capture political power. The reason why in
an heterogeneous society, democracy cannot succeed is because power instead of being used impartially and on merits and for the benefit of all is used for
the aggrandisement of one group and to the detriment of
another. On the other hand, a state which is homogeneous in its population can work for
the true ends of democracy, for there are no artificial
barriers or social antipathies which lead to the misuse of political power.
7.
It follows that if democracy is to function properly the subjects of the State must be so
distributed as to form a single homogeneous group. The constitution for the Provinces of
India which is on the anvil is designed for a democratic form of Government. It follows
that each Province must be homogeneous in its population if democracy in the Province is
to be successful. This is simply another way of saying that each Province must be a
linguistic unit if it is to be fitted to work a democratic
constitution. Herein lies the justification for Linguistic Provinces.
Can
the creation of Linguistic
Provinces be postponed?
8.
Can the solution of this problem be postponed ? In this
connection, I would like to place before the Commission the
following considerations :
(i)
There is nothing new in the demand for Linguistic Provinces. Six Provinces (1) East
Punjab, (2) United Provinces, (3) Bihar, (4) West Bengal,
(5) Assam and (6) Orissa already exist as Linguistic
Provinces. The Provinces which are clamouring for being reconstituted on linguistic basis
are: (1) Bombay, (2) Madras and (3) Central Provinces. When the principle of Linguistic
Provinces is accepted in the case of six Provinces, the other Provinces which are asking
the same principle to be applied to them, cannot be asked to wait indefinitely:
(ii)
The situation in the Non-Linguistic Provinces has become exasperating if not dangerous and
is in no way different from the situation as it existed in
the old Turkish Empire or in the old Austro-Hungarian
Empire.
(iii)
The demand for Linguistic Provinces is an explosive force of the same character which was
responsible for blowing up the old Turkish Empire or Austro-Hungarian
Empire. It is better not to allow it to get too hot when it may become difficult to
prevent an explosion.
(iv)
So long as the Provinces were
not democratic in their constitutions and so long as they did not possess the widest
sovereign powers which the new constitution gives them the urgency of Linguistic Provinces
was not very great. But with the new constitution, the problem has become very urgent.
The
solution of the difficulties
9.
If the problem must be dealt with immediately what is to be the solution ? As has already been pointed
out, the solution must satisfy two conditions. While accepting the principle of Linguistic
Provinces it must provide against the break-up of India's unity. My solution of the
problem therefore is that, while accepting the demand for
the re-constitution of Provinces on linguistic basis, the constitution should provide that
the official language of every Province shall be the same as the official language of the
Central Government. It is only on that footing that I am prepared to accept the demand for
Linguistic Provinces.
10.
l am aware of the fact that my suggestion runs counter to the conception of Linguistic
Provinces which is in vogue. It is that the language of the
Province shall be its official language. I have no objection to Linguistic Provinces. But I have the strongest
objection to the language of the Province being made its
official language where it happens to be different from the
official language of the Centre. My objection is based on
the following considerations:
(1)
The idea of having a Linguistic Province has nothing to do
with the question of what should be its official language. By a Linguistic Province, I
mean a Province which by the social composition of its population is homogeneous and
therefore more suited for the realisation of those social ends which a democratic
Government must fulfil. In my view, a Linguistic Province has nothing to do with the
language of the Province. In the scheme of Linguistic Provinces, language has necessarily
to play its part. But its part can be limited to the
creation of the Province, i.e., for demarcation of the boundaries of the Province. There is no categorical imperative in the scheme of
Linguistic Provinces which compels us to make the language of the Province its
official language. Nor is it necessary, for sustaining the
cultural unity of the Province, to make the
language of the Province its official language. For, the
cultural unity of the Province,
which already exists, is capable of being sustained by
factors other than language such as common historic tradition, community of social
customs, etc. To sustain Provincial cultural unity which already exists it does not
require the use of the Provincial language for official purposes. Fortunately for the Provincialists there is no fear of
a Maharashtrian not remaining a Maharashtrian
because he spoke any other language. So also there is no
fear of a Tamilian or an Andhra or a Bengali ceasing to be a
Tamilian, Andhra or Bengali if he spoke any other language
than his own mother-tongue.
(2)
The out-and-out advocates of Linguistic Provinces would no doubt protest that they have no intention of converting
the Provinces into separate nations. Their bona fides need not be
doubted. At the same time, it often happens that things do take a shape which their
authors never intended. It is therefore absolutely necessary
to take from the very beginning every step to prevent things taking an evil shape in
course of time. There is therefore nothing wrong if the loosening
of the ties in one direction is accompanied by their being
tightened up in another direction.
(3)
We must not allow the Provincial language to become its official language eve" if it was natural that the Provincial language should be the official language of the Province. There is no danger in creating Linguistic
Provinces. Danger lies in
creating Linguistic Provinces with the language of each Province as its official language.
The latter would lead to the
creation of Provincial nationalities. For the use of the
Provincial languages as official languages
would lead Provincial cultures to be isolated crystallised, hardened and
solidified. It would be
fatal to allow this to happen. To allow this is to allow the Provinces to become
independent nations, separate in everything and thus open the road to the ruination of United India. In Linguistic Provinces without the language of the
Province being made its official language the Provincial culture
would remain fluid with a channel open for give and take. Under no circumstances, we
must allow the Linguistic Provinces to make their Provincial languages
their official languages.
11.
The imposition of an All-India official language on a
Linguistic Province which may happen to be different from the language of the Province
cannot come in the way of maintaining Provincial culture. Official language will be used
only in the field occupied by Government. The nonofficial field or what may be the purely
cultural field will still remain open to the Provincial language to play its part. There
may be a healthy competition between the official and non-official language. One may try
to oust the other. If the official language succeeds in ousting the non-official language
from the cultural field, nothing like it. If it fails, there cannot be much harm. Such a
position cannot be said to be intolerable. It is no more intolerable than the present
position in which we have English as the official language and the Provincial language as its non-official
language. The only difference is that the official language will not be English but some
other.
12.
I am aware of the fact that my solution is not an ideal
solution. It makes working of the constitution in the Provinces on democratic lines
possible. But it does not make possible the democratic working of the constitution at the
Centre. That is because mere linguistic unity, i.e., the
facility to speak a common language does not ensure homogeneity which is the result of
many other factors. As stated before, the representatives selected by
the Provinces to the Central Legislature will remain what they are, namely, Bengalis, Tamilians, Andhras, Maharashtrians, etc., even though they may be speaking the official language of
the Centre and not their mother-tongue. But an ideal
solution which can be put into effect immediately, I cannot see. We must be content with the next best. The only
thing we must be sure about is that the solution we adopt immediately must satisfy two
conditions:
(i)
It must be the very next best to the ideal; and (ii) It must be capable of developing itself into the ideal.
Judged
in the light of these considerations, I venture to say that the solution which I have
suggested satisfies these two conditions.
WILL MAHARASHTRA BE A VIABLE
PROVINCE ?
Tests
of Viability
13.
Coming to the specific question of Maharashtra Province it is
necessary to be satisfied that it will be a viable Province. For being declared a viable
Province, a Province must satisfy certain tests. It must be of a certain size, it must
have a certain volume of population and a commensurate amount of revenue. A Province must
not only be self-supporting—which any Province can be by choosing to live on a lower
plane—but it must have sufficient revenue to provide for a minimum standard of
administration required by efficiency and the needs of social welfare. Is Maharashtra Viable?
14.
Does the Province of Maharashtra satisfy these tests? The following are the
figures which show the size and population of the Maharashtra Province as constituted on a linguistic basis :
Territory |
Area
in square miles |
Total
Population of the territory |
Total
Marathi speaking population of the territory |
Percentage
of Marathi speaking population to total population |
|
|
|
|
|
Twelve
districts of the Bombay Presidency |
47284 |
12913544 |
10045100 |
77.8 |
Eight
Districts of C.P. and Berar |
36865 |
7020694 |
5388300 |
76.7 |
Total |
84151 |
19934238 |
15433400 |
77.4 |
|
|
|
|
|
States
within Bombay Presidency |
11314 |
2720207 |
2120700 |
77.9 |
Marathi
speaking Districts of Hyderabad State |
22766 |
4249272 |
3299300 |
77.6 |
Goa |
1534 |
580000 |
520000 |
89.6 |
State
of Bastar |
13701 |
633888 |
212300 |
33.5 |
Total |
49315 |
8183367 |
6142300 |
--- |
GRAND
TOTAL |
133466 |
28117605 |
21585700 |
76.8 |
15.
The above table gives figures for the Maharashtra Province in its
two forms (1) abridged and (2) unabridged. In its unabridged form which means if all the
area occupied by the Marathi-speaking people was constituted
in one single Province the area and the population of Maharashtra will be 1,33,466 square miles with a population of 2,15,85,700. In
its abridged form which means that if the area and population of the Marathi-speaking people comprised
within the States was for the moment
omitted, even then the proposed Maharashtra Province would comprise an area of 84,151
square miles with a population of 1,54,33,400.
16.
Turning to the revenue side of the Province, it has been estimated that the total annual revenue at the existing rate of taxation which will accrue to the abridged Maharashtra Province will
be approximately Rs. 25,61,51.000.
17.
Some comparisons are necessary
to get an idea if a Province of this size, with this
population and with so much revenue will be viable. For this, I give below figures of the first
or the biggest and the forty-seventh or the smallest states
within the U.S.A. in order of their size and
population :
States |
Area
in Square Miles |
1st
Texas |
2,67,339 |
47th
Delaware |
2,057 |
States |
Population |
1st
New York |
1,26,32,890 |
47th
Wyoming |
2,57,108 |
18.
It is obvious that Maharashtra whether one takes its abridged edition or the unabridged edition
of it will be several times bigger than Delaware
which is the smallest State in U.S.A. in point of area and also several times bigger than New York which is the biggest state in U.S.A. in point of population.
19.Comparison
of Maharashtra with the existing and prospective
Linguistic Provinces of India may also be useful. Their position in point
of area, population and revenue is as follows :
Province |
Area
in square miles |
Population |
Annual
Revenue |
Existing
Linguistic Province - |
|
|
|
United
Provinces |
106247 |
55020617 |
326508000 |
Bihar |
69745 |
36340151 |
162678000 |
Orissa |
32198 |
8228544 |
46062000 |
New
Linguistic Province - |
|
|
|
Andhra |
70000 |
19000000 |
--- |
Karnatak |
25000 |
4500000 |
--- |
Kerala |
6000 |
3500000 |
--- |
These figures when compared with the figures for Maharashtra leave no doubt
that Maharashtra will not merely
be a viable Province but a
strong province in point of area, population and revenue.
SHOULD THE MAHARASHTRA PROVINCE BE FEDERAL OR UNITARY?
20.
I will now turn to what are known to be points on which there
is controversy. There is no controversy
regarding the unification of Maharashtra into one
Province. The controversy
relates to the way it should he brought about. One view is that the new Maharashtra Province should be a unitary Province, with
a single legislature and a single executive. The other
view is that Maharashtra should be a Federation
of two sub-provinces, one sub-province to consist of the
Marathi-speaking districts of
the Bombay Presidency and the other of the Marathi-speaking districts of the present Province of the Central Provinces and Berar. The idea of creating sub-Provinces has originated from
the spokesmen of the Marathi-speaking
districts of Central Provinces
and Berar. I am satisfied that
it is only the wish of a few high-caste politicians who feel that in a
unified Maharashtra their political careers will come to an end. It has no backing from the people of e fact that it gives me an opportunity to enunciate what I regard as a very vital principal. When it is decided to create a Linguistic Province, I
am definitely of opinion that all areas which are contiguous
and which speak the same language should be forced to come
into it. There should be no room for choice nor for self-determination.
Every attempt must be made to create larger provincial units. Smaller provincial units
will be a perpetual burden in normal times and a source of weakness
in an emergency. Such a situation must be avoided. That is why I insist that all parts of Maharashtra should be merged together in a single province.
MAHARASHTRA
AND THE CITY OF BOMBAY
Controversy
over Bombay
21.
Should the City of Bombay be included in Maharashtra or not
is another point over which there has been a controversy. A meeting was held in Bombay in
the building of the Indian Merchants Chamber. The meeting
was attended by no more than sixty. With the exception of one Indian-Christian it was
attended by only Gujarati-speaking merchants and industrialists. Although it was small and
sectional meeting, its proceedings were flashed on the front page of every important
newspaper in India and the Times of India was so
impressed by its importance that it wrote an editorial which while mildly castigating the
vituperative tone which the speakers at the meeting adopted
against the Maharashtrians, supported the resolutions passed
at the meeting regarding the future of Bombay. This proves
what truth there is in the reply given by Lord Birkenhead to the Irish Leader, Mr. Redmond,
in the course of the Irish controversy when he said that
there are cases where a minority is a majority.
My
memorandum would be woefully incomplete if I omitted to deal with
the pros and cons of this controversy. This is because of two
reasons: In the first place,
the meeting has been recognized
to be very important and secondly because the resolutions of the meeting have been
supported by eminent University Professors.
Proposals
regarding Bombay
22.
The meeting passed the following resolutions:
(1)
That the question of the creation of Linguistic Provinces should be postponed; or
(2)
That if it is not postponed, Bombay City should be constituted into a separate Province.
There
is a third suggestion, namely, that Konkan should be
constituted into a separate Province with Bombay as its
capital. There is hardly any support to this plan. There is therefore no necessity to
discuss it.
Decision
regarding Bombay must be made now
23.
I have no complaint against that part of the Resolution which says the question of
Linguistic Provinces be postponed provided the main question namely whether Bombay should
or should not be included in Maharashtra is settled. If this question
was settled it did not matter if it took five or ten years to give effect to the
Settlement. But the resolution is only an escapism. It does not settle the issue. It only adjourns the controversy. The main
question must therefore be tackled right now.
Ground
for the exclusion of Bombay
from Maharashtra
24.
The arguments urged in favour of separating Bombay from Maharashtra
are set out below :