ADMINISTRATION AND FINANCE OF THE
EAST INDIA COMPANY
______________________________________________________________
May 15,1915
Contents
Part I
The Court of
Proprietors
The Court of Directors
The Board of Commissioners
for the Affairs of India
Part II
Zemindary Settlement of Cornwallis
Village Land
Revenue System
The Ryotwar
System
The Salt Tax
Customs
The Stamp Duties
The Mint Revenue
Part
IV
The Indian Debt
The Home Bond Debt
Part
V
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Editorial
Note in source publication
The
copy of this dissertation was secured from the Columbia University by Dr. Frank F.Conlon of the Department of History, University of
Washington, U.S.A. and was presented to Mr. Vasant Moon of
Dr. Ambedkar Research Institute, Nagpur,
in 1979.
The
editors are grateful to the University of Columbia, U.S.A. for their kind permission to
publish this unpublished dissertation which is in their ownership and possession. They also appreciate Dr. Conlon's
gesture of generosity and the assistance of Dr. Ambedkar Research Institute, Nagpur, for
making this paper available for printing to the Government of Maharashtra.
________________________________________________________________________________________
Without
going into the historical development of it, the administration of the East India Company
may be conveniently described as follows:
1.
The Court of Proprietors
It
was " composed of the shareholders of the East India
stock to a certain amount, who elect from their own body by ballot a certain number of
representatives (twenty-four) to whom the proprietary confide
the planning and carrying into effect whatever measures may be deemed most conducive to
the interests of India and England, reserving to themselves a surveillance and limited
control over the proceedings of the delegated authority."
The
requirements of a seat and a vote in this Court were as follows:
A
proprietor of £ 500 stock was
entitled to a seat in this Court.
A
proprietor of £ 1,000 stock was
entitled to one vote.
A
proprietor of £ 3,000 stock was
entitled to two votes.
A
proprietor of £ 6,000 stock was
entitled to three votes.
A
proprietor from £ 10,000 to £ 1,00,000 and upward stock was entitled to four votes.
Besides this, the stock must have been held for at least one year before voting. There was no voting by proxy and minors were ruled as incapable of voting.
The
voters counted Lords, Commoners, women, clergy, and officers civil and military, both of
the king and the company.
The
sessions of the Court were
quarterly—March, June, September, and December. Nine qualified proprietors were quite
sufficient to ask for a special session of the Court. The speaker was ex-officio the chairman who presided at the session, brought
forward all motions requiring the sanction of the Court, and laid before the members the
accounts of the Company's transactions.
The
Court was authorised—
(1)
To elect qualified persons to constitute what is known as the Court of Directors.
(2)
To declare the dividends on the capital stock of the company within certain parliamentary
restrictions.
(3) To frame, alter, or repeal such of the by-laws
as hinder the good government of the East India Company, provided they do not conflict
with the Acts of Parliament.
(4)
To control in general any increase in a salary or pension above £ 200 a year, or over any
gratuity beyond £600.
(5)
To confer pecuniary reward for good service.
It
consisted of twenty-four members. The Directors were elected by such of the Proprietors as
were qualified for a vote. The qualification of a candidate for the Court of Directors
were:
(1)
He must be a natural or naturalised subject of Great Britain.
(2)
He must possess £2,000 stock (no matter for what previous period).
(3) He must not be a director of the Bank of England or the South Sea Company.
(4)
He must be a resident of England for two years after holding office in the Court.
(5)
He must not have held any maritime office in the Service of the Company for two years
previous to his proposed election.
(6)
He must not have under any plea or pretence whatsoever, endeavoured to obtain, directly or
indirectly, a vote for the election of himself or any other person to be a Director.
(7)
He must take an oath
(a)
not
to carry on any private trade.
(b)
not to have any dealing with the company except as a private individual.
(c) not to hold any place or office of emolument under the
Crown.
In
order to fulfil the various duties, the work was assigned to several Committees into which
the Court was sub-divided. They were:
1 |
Secret
Committee |
8 |
Buying
Committee |
2 |
Correspondence
Committee |
9 |
Warehouses
Committee |
3 |
Treasury
Committee |
10 |
India
House Committee |
4 |
Govt.
Troops and Stores Committee |
11 |
Shipping
Committee |
5 |
Legal
Proceedings Committee |
12 |
Private
Trade Committee |
6 |
Military
Proceedings Committee |
13 |
Civil
College |
7 |
Accounts
Committee |
14 |
Military
College |
All appointments such as writers, cadets, and
assistant surgeons etc. were made by the Directors. The Civil and Military Services were
recruited from the graduates of the two colleges, which were merely a burden on the
revenues of the Company.
III.
The Board of
Commissioners for the Affairs of India
(The Board of Control).
The
powers of the Board are :
(1)
"The superintendence and control over all the British territorial possessions in the
East Indies, and over the affairs of the United Company of merchants trading
thereto."
(2)
"To superintend, direct and control all acts, operations, and concerns, which in any
wise relate to the civil or military government or revenues of the British territorial
possessions in the East Indies, in the manner hereinafter directed."
" All the members of the said Board, at all convenient
times, have access to all palers and monuments of the said United Company, and are
furnished with such extracts, or copies thereof, as they require. The Court of Directors
are directed to deliver to the Board copies of all minutes, orders, resolutions, and other
proceedings of all General or Special Courts of Proprietors of the Company, and of the
Court of Directors, so far as relate to the civil or military government or revenues of
the British territorial possessions in the East Indies, within eight days after the
holding of such respective Courts; and also copies of all dispatches which the Directors
receive from any of their servants in the East Indies, immediately after the arrival
thereof; also copies of all letters, orders and instructions whatsoever, relating to the
civil and military government or revenues of the British territorial possessions in the
East Indies, proposed to be sent or dispatched by the Court of Directors to any of the
servants of the Company in the East Indies; the Court of Directors are required to pay due
obedience to, and to be governed and bound by such orders and directions as they shall,
from time to time, receive from the Board, touching the civil or military government and
revenues of the British territorial possessions in the East Indies." "Whenever
the Court of Directors neglect to transmit to the Board their intended dispatches on any
subject, within fourteen days after requisition is made, it is lawful for the Board to
prepare and send to the Directors (without waiting for the receipt of the copies of
dispatches intended to be sent by the said Court of Directors, as aforesaid), any orders or instructions to any of the
governments or presidencies aforesaid, concerning the civil or military government of the
British territories and possessions in the East Indies : and
the Directors are required to transmit dispatches, in the usual form (pursuant to the
tenor of the said orders and instructions to be transmitted to them), to the respective
governments and presidencies in India, unless on any representation made by the Directors
to the Board, touching such orders or instructions, the Board shall direct any alteration
to be made in the same, which directions the Court of Directors are bound to conform
to."
The
Board of Control was sub-divided into six departments to answer its functions : (1) Accounts, (2) Revenue, (3) Judicial, (4) Military, (5)
Secret and Political, (6) Foreign and Public. The mode of local administration in India
was as follows :—
The
country was divided into three presidencies namely, Bengal, Madras and Bombay, the seat of
government being respectively at Fort William, Fort St. George, and Bombay itself.
In
the beginning the Supreme Local Administration of India was distributed among these three
governments, each one enjoying co-ordinate status. With a view to centralisation, the
Supreme Local Administration of India was vested in the Governor of Fort William in
Bengal, making the other two Governors subordinate to that of Bengal who was made the
Governor-General of India.
The
appointment of the Governor-General was made by the Court of Directors subject to the
approval of the Crown. The Governor-General was aided by a Council known as the Supreme
Council, originally composed of four members, three of whom necessarily had to be the
servants of the Company in India of at least ten years' standing. The fourth one must not
have belonged to the Company's Service. The Commander-in-Chief
of forces in India was an ex-officio member of the
Governor-General's office. This Supreme Council of five members was expanded by adding to
it in 1853, six Legislative members who were authorised only to sit and vote on the
framing of Laws and Regulations. Four of these six Legislative members were required to be
the Civil Servants of the Company of ten years' standing in Bombay, Madras, Bengal and the
North-Western Provinces. The two remaining places were filled up by the Chief Justice and
one other Judge of the Supreme Court of Calcutta. The Governor-General was authorised to
add two more members to this Council of eleven, under Section 22 of Statute 16 and 17
Victoria Chapter 95, but the power was not exercised at best up to the time of the mutiny.
This
Supreme Council of India, therefore, was composed of six members including the
Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief for the purposes
of Executive Government and twelve members for the purposes of the Legislatures: seven members were deemed sufficient to form a quorum.
The
power of the Governor-General was so great that he was nearly an autocrat. He could not
only veto all legislation in the Council but could initiate and carry out measures
independently of the Council. All " political " appointments including those of the Residents to the
native States and the Commissioners to the non-regulated provinces were made by him. He
could appoint the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal and of the North-West Provinces and the
judges of the lower courts and controlled military patronage
in Bengal and the North-West provinces.
All
districts not included within the limits of any of the four Subordinate Governments were under the direct jurisdiction of the
Governor-General in Council who also exercised such power over the native states as
accrued to him through treaty obligation. The official staff of the Governor-General was
divided into four departments, each one represented by a Secretary. These were :
(1)
The Foreign Department (foreign in relation to the native states).
(2)
The Home Department, handling the judicial and revenue correspondence.
(3)
The Financial Department.
(4)
The Military Department.
Besides
these the Political and Finance Secretaries had their respective Secret Departments which
were entrusted with secret dispatches.
The
Subordinate Governments of Madras and Bombay were administered thus: Each had its respective Governors and Councils consisting of
three members (including the Commander-in Chief). Both the Governors and
the Councillors were appointed by the Court of directors. Bengal and the North-West Provinces were each governed by the
Lieutenant-Governors who were appointed by the Governor-General. The Subordinate
Governments were denied the power of legislation or creating any new office, nor could
they " grant any salary, gratuity, or allowance without
the previous sanction of the Governor-General of India in Council." This extreme
strictness though required by law was not required by custom :
in order not to overburden the Governor-General, minor matters were executed by the
Governor who submitted a quarterly report of the same to the higher authorities who
reviewed it and as a matter of fact sanctioned it. The Bombay and Madras Governments were
privileged to hold direct correspondence with the Court of Directors and did send the
abstracts of their proceedings to the Court and to the Government of India. The
instruments of Indian Government were furnished by what was and is known as the Civil
(covenanted and uncovenanted), the Military, the Naval and the Ecclesiastical Service. The
collection of revenue and administration of justice were relegated to the Civil Service.
For
Civil and Military recruitment, the East India Company had maintained two colleges in
England (1) the Haileburg College and (2) the Adiscombe Academy : Each student
cost the Company about £ 96 a year during his period of training.
All
revenue was collected in the name of the Supreme Government of India and was transferred
to and controlled by the Supreme Treasury. There was absolutely no local fiscal autonomy : the deficit in one province was made up by the surplus in
another and the entire India revenue was held responsible for the debts borrowed for wars
in one particular province : in short, both Finance and
Administration were absolutely centralised as in France under the ancient regime.
So
much for the pure system of Administration. The criticism of it we will postpone till we come to the next chapter.
The
last chapter must have made it clear how and why Western Europe was at a death grapple for
the control of India. We followed the armies of the different leaders of different
nations— fighting for a country the people of which had very little to choose in the
final destiny—the Cama, the Albuquerques,
the Busseys, the Lallys, the Clives, the Malcolms, the lakes and the shores as though
enacting the train of ghosts of Banquo's line all that
terrified Shakespeare's Macbeth out of his senses.
In
this chapter we have more particularly to deal with the East India Company as a Political
Sovereign and the Finances without dilating upon its development from a Commercial Concern
into a Political Sovereign.
There
is nothing strange in the fact that the East India Company succeeded in establishing its
suzerainty over India as might have been seen from our past discussion. Having got a
foothold in the various provinces it extended its rule over the entire peninsula and
established by law what is known as the British Government in India : in other words, it established the State and carried on the political and commercial functions jointly. As a
result of this combined activity the fiscal administration of the Company in India was an
entangled phenomenon. The commercial and revenue returns
were merged together without any attempt at distinction. Any student of finance,
therefore, has to pass over the entire period ending in 1814 when by an Act of
Parliament the Company was compelled to keep separate accounts of Finance and Commerce.
With
this caution we will now turn to the heads of Revenue.
(1)
The Land Revenue
In
spite of the early industrialisation in parts of India, the country as a whole may be
classed as an agricultural country and land, today as in former times, furnished the state
with a major part of its revenue.
The
British Government rightly or wrongly established the principle of state landlordship versus the principle of private property regulated its land revenue system in keeping with that policy.
There
are different systems of land revenue in India : It may be
well to describe them in the words of Parliamentary Blue-Books.
(1)
The Zemindary
Settlement
of Cornwallis
The
most obvious feature of advantage in this system is the facility of collection, as it is a
much more simple thing to obtain the revenue of a large
district from a certain moderate number of Zemindars or contributors, than it is to
perform the collection in details by the officers of the government themselves, and
another advantage undoubtedly is the greater degree of certainty in the result of 1831 C. 3339.
This
system of land tenure arose thus : When the East India
Company came into possession of the revenues of the Dewanee of
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, they found the land revenue
collected through the mediation of officers (subhedars)
under the Mohammedan government, who had charge of districts sometimes of more, sometimes
of less extent, with various titles, such as Zemindars and Talookdars,
and who paid the revenue into the treasury in one sum, for which they were found managing
considerable districts whose obligations consisted in paying a certain annual amount to
the Government. Many of them held their districts or estates under this condition hereditarily. [2. of. 1831 C. 3114, 3115, 3215.] On the East
India Company becoming possessed of the Bengal territory, great abuses were found to
prevail, and to be practised by the different sorts of people employed in the collection
of the revenue. The detail of the business was so great, that it frightened Lord Cornwallis and the Government of the day, and they conceived
that no better method for the protection of the Riots or small cultivators, could be
invented, than to create a species of landlords, from whom they expected much benefit to
arise: the ground upon which they principally went was this,
what those Zemindars, having a permanent interest in the
land assigned to them, would have an interest in the prosperity of the Ryots, in the same
manner as a landlord in England feels an interest in the prosperity of his tenants : This was expected to produce two good effects, to create a landed
aristocracy in the country, and above all to afford protection to the Ryots or small
cultivators, from the kind of paternal feeling that was expected to pervade the Zemindars.
[1. of. 1831 C. 3136.] With a view to the protection of the whole mass of agricultural
population and with the best motives, the Zemindars
in 1793,whether cultivators or
officers in actual charge of districts, hereditary or by special appointment, were created
landholders of the country by which a property in the soil was vested in them, in nearly
as full a sense as it is to the holder of a fee-simple in England. The sum which a
zemindar had been in the habit of paying was ascertained by the observation of a few prior
years, the assessment or tax was fixed forever,
and an engagement was made that this amount of land revenue should never be raised on him.
Such is the nature of the settlement known by the name of "
the Zemindary or Permanent Settlement ". [2. cf. 1831.0.3115,3116,3136,3215;
1832. R.C. p. 21.]
The
institution of village community was and is mainly to be found in northern India. The
proprietary right of land is
vested in the entire community residing in the village. The administration of the village
is handed over to a headman elected by the villagers and is subject to their removal.
Under this system the lands are let out to men sometimes in the same village, sometimes in
the neighbouring village, while certain portions and certain rights are possessed by the
different craftsmen or artisans of the village, such as the schoolmaster, the washerman,
the barber, the carpenter, the blacksmith, the watchman, the village accountant, etc. who
have each a right to a certain portion set aside for certain recognised expenses of the
village, and for defraying its hospitality towards strangers [1. of. 1830, L. 398, 399, 405, 406,
529.] These village communities are little republics, having
nearly everything that they want within themselves, and almost independent of any foreign relations. dynasty after dynasty
tumbles down : revolution succeeds
revolution. Hindu, Pathan, Mogul, Maratha,
Sikh, English, are all masters in turn, but the village communities remain the same. In
times of trouble they arm and fortify themselves; [2. cf. 1832 Commons' Rev. Committee, p.
29.] It is difficult to state the proportion of the produce
of the village paid to the Government: the authorities know little of the precise property
of any of the proprietors; it is not the interest or the wish of the village that the
Government should scrutinise and know their possessions, therefore if any one of the
brotherhood fails to pay his proportion, that is a matter for the villagers at large to
settle, and they will often come forward to pay it for him, but these are all private
arrangements kept to themselves : and the Moceadim has no power from the Government to enforce this
assessment, what each man in the village has to pay is an internal arrangement, which it
is desirable for the Government not to interfere in, the villagers settling among
themselves what each has to pay, the total assessment being calculated after enquiry into
the state of prosperity in the village : what it has
hitherto paid : what it is capable of paying : the state of the village lands, and what assessment they
ought to bear with reference to the produce. [3. cf. 1830 L. 401,402, 404, 528, 583, 584.]
Surveys
of considerable expense have been made by the Government : a
minute account taken of the state of the land in each village, the fields examined in the
presence of surveying officers with all the assistance they can procure, not only from
their own servants, but from the village communities, the people themselves interested,
and also the ryots and people of the neighbouring villages who are invited to attend. The
exact limits of the village are put down, and even the details of land within the village,
the productions, the houses, fruit-bearing trees, and son on :
the assessment is grounded upon these particulars [1. cf. 1831
C. 3492.]
The
peculiar principle of the third sort of assessment termed Ryotwar
is to fix a maximum of assessment upon
all the lands of the country [2. cf. 1831 C. 45, 65.] The money rent of each individual cultivator
for the fields in his occupation is defined with as much permanency as possible, the
aggregate of such rents making the total assessment, which varies each year with the
increase or decrease of cultivation. Another main principle of the Ryotwar system is to
protect the rights of all ryots or cultivators, as they now
exist in every village, from infringement : and to prevent
all encroachment upon those rights [3 cf. 1831. C. 5156:]
Thus, in the Ryotwar system, the details of the interest of the respective Ryots are known
completely, and not at all in the Zemindary system; and the
former effectually does what the latter proposes to do, but
never has done, and never can do, that is, fix an assessment upon all lands in the
country. Under the Ryotwar system, the assessment goes from land to the aggregate: it respects property of every class, that of the largest
landholder, and that of the smallest : it measures and
assess every portion of an estate, and thus facilitates the transfer of landed property,
as the first question when taken into market is—What is the amount of public
demand upon the land? [4 cf. 1831 C. 4565, 4567, 4568.] The Ryotwar Settlement is applicable in every state of
things: where there are proprietors it may be concluded with
farmers or cultivators : it may be equally made for the
largest or for the smallest quantity of land, for millions of acres or for only a few. The
owner of a single field may make his terms directly with the Government, and turn to his
cultivation, knowing that he cannot be called on to pay more than a certain sum : for although the assessment
under this system varies according to the value of the land, difference of soil,
population, situation, and other localities : and although
inferior land, paying a lower assessment, becomes liable when sufficiently improved to pay
the higher assessment, there is nevertheless, a maximum for the best land beyond which all
produce is for the benefit of the landholder, and there are remissions in cases of urgent
distress. [1. of. 1832 C.R. P.
No. 20.]
Another advantage which the Ryotwar system possesses over
the Zemindary is in the creation of a great
body of independent proprietors, instead of a few who are proprietors
only in name : and there is an advantage for the great mass
of the people, but in the case of the Zemindary they
accumulate for the benefit of the few, while in the Ryotwar system there is also tendency
in a considerable degree to the accumulation of capital. [2. cf. 1831 C. 4577, 4578, 4579.]
Such
was and is the system of land revenue in India under the regime of the East India Company.
A critical estimation of the system we will reserve for the future.
The
next important head of revenue is the Opium revenue.
The opium revenue yielded next in amount to the land revenue and was levied in two different ways :
(1
) " By an exclusive
system of cultivation and sale carried on by the Government in Bengal."
(2)
" By a high export duty levied in Bombay on opium grown
in the native states of Malwa and shipped from Bombay."
By
Regulation VI of 1799 section 3, poppy cultivation was prohibited in Bengal, and in the
North-West Provinces by Regulation XLI of 1803 Section 2.
"Annual
engagements are entered into by the Government with the Ryots in certain selected
districts, to sow a certain quantity of land with the white poppy, under a system of
pecuniary advances, the produce to be delivered in the form of opium to the Government at
a fixed rate........ The total net receipts from the opium
monopoly in Bengal amounted in 1856 to 2,767,136."
The
revenue derived from transit of opium has a pretty little history : prior to 1831 the British used to buy the opium from the
native states (to keep a strict monopoly of the article) through the Resident and hammer
it out at Bombay or at Calcutta. But to prevent the large smuggling into the Portuguese
Settlements the monopoly policy was given up in favour of the transit duties recovered by
way of " passes " at
a specified rate to cover the transportation cost to Bombay. The transit duty was at first
fixed at Rs. 175 per chest of 140 Ibs.
each. This process showed a diminution in the returns, consequently the rate was reduced
to Rs. 125 per chest.
The
conquest of Sindh closed the additional gate of smuggling
the opium into the Portuguese territories : consequently it
was hoped and rightly that a higher transit duty would give added return as the change in
the direction of the trade was impossible.' So in 1843
October, the rate was increased to Rs. 200 per chest, : in
1845 to Rs. 300 per chest and in 1847 to Rs. 400 per chest,
Salt
is obtained in India in different ways and is taxed in different ways in different parts
of the country.
It
is obtained either by boiling sea water as in Bengal, or by solar evaporation as in Bombay
and Madras or from natural resources such as the salt mines in Punjab and the salt lakes
in Rajputana.
In
Bengal the Company had a salt monopoly. It was manufactured by the natives who contracted
to deliver all manufactured salt to the Government at a fixed low price. The Government
then sold this quantity of salt at six different agencies, Hidgelee,
Tumlook, Chittagong, Hiracan, Cuttack, Balasore and Khoredah, at a price which was composed of the actual cost plus
the additional amount equivalent to the duty levied on imported salt. As a result of this " the average retail price to the consumer " amounted to about a penny per pound.
The
private manufacture of salt was also allowed at Calcutta under a system of excise only
equal in amount to the import duty.
But
on the recommendation of the select committee of the House of Commons in 1836, there was
introduced the system of fixed prices, and open warehouses, at which the sales, instead of
being as before periodical "were constantly going
on."
In
Madras, salt was manufactured on behalf of the Government and was sold for internal
consumption. The duty on imported foreign salt was lowered from Rs. 3 per pound to equal
the difference between the cost price and the sale price of the article.
In
Bombay the salt manufacture was handed over to the individuals under the system of an
excise duty equivalent to the import duty on the article. The salt mines of Punjab were
worked by the Government and the salt was sold on the spot.
The
North-West Provinces depended upon the Lower Provinces of Bengal, the Sambhur Salt lake in Rajputana
and parts of western India for their supply of salt. The duties were so arranged that the
salt from all parts when it reached the Northwest Provinces tended to be equal in price.
There
were innumerable transit or inland duties levied at every town and on every road in the
shape of tolls. But they were abolished in Bengal by Act 14 of 1836 : in Bombay by Act 1 of 1838 :
and in Madras by Act 6, of 1844 : and uniform system of
customs was established all through British India. The evil effects of these inland
transit duties will be discussed later on. There remained two sources of customs revenue :
(1)
The sea customs on exports and imports, the former on salt and indigo.
(2)
The land customs levied mainly on articles crossing the frontier lines between the native
and British territories.
V. Besides the salt and opium monopolies the East India Company had the tobacco monopolies as another source of revenue.
VI. Abkarree
or revenue obtained from the sale of monopolies to sell spirits and liquors. Licences
were sold to the highest bidder who contracted to sell at his own price, the hours of
business and the location of the shop being regulated by the Government.
VII. The Wheel-tax was levied upon hackneys,
carts, buggys, etc.
VIII. The" Sayer
duties " was a collective name for unclassified taxes.
In different parts of the country it included different taxes. Once it included the
irregular collections made by native revenue officers. In Madras it included the transit
duties, in Bengal the pilgrim tax was included under this head. In the Deccan " this source of
revenue " was "
divided into two great heads the first denominated mohturfa,
which embraces taxes on shops, trades, etc. : the other ballootah,*[f1]
which " comprehended "
taxes upon the fees in kind received by the village artisans from the cultivators, and
upon their enam
(rent free) lands when they hold them. In one instance, the percentage upon bad coins was
found to be included under the head Sayer."
IX. The Judicial Fees were realised in the form of
stamps requisite in cases of different amounts in order to defray legal charges; the value
of stamps varied with the amount of the suit.
Suits
ranging up to Rs. 16
|
the
stamps amounted to Re. 1. |
From
Rs. 16 to Rs. 32
|
Rs.
2 |
From
Rs. 32 to Rs. 64
|
Rs. 4 |
From
Rs. 64 to Rs. 150
|
Rs.
8 |
From
Rs. 150 to Rs. 300
|
Rs. 16 |
From
Rs. 300 to Rs. 800
|
Rs. 32 |
From
Rs. 800 to Rs. 1,600
|
Rs. 50 |
From
Rs. 1,600 to Rs. 3,000
|
Rs. 100 |
From
Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 10,000 |
Rs. 250 |
From
Rs. 10,000 to Rs. 25,000 |
Rs. 500 |